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농사지을 때 고려해야 할 여러 요소가 있지만, 그중에서도 무상일수(서리가 내리지 않는 기간)는 중요하다.

서리를 맞으면 어지간한 작물들은 뜨거운 물에 팍 데친 것처럼 죽어버리기 때문이다.

그래서 자신이 살고 있는 지역에 첫서리와 늦서리가 언제쯤 내리는지 알고 있으면 농사 계획을 세우는 데 엄청나게 큰 도움이 된다.


제국을 운영한 경험이 있는 나라들은 그 정보 수집력과 정리하는 능력에 놀라움을 금치 못하는 모습을 보여주는데, 이번에 우연히 미국의 서리 정보도를 접하고는 또 입이 떡 벌어지고 말았다.

이렇게 깔끔하게 정리된 자료가 있으면 한국에서 농사짓는 사람들도 큰 도움을 받을 텐데 기상청이나 농촌진흥청 등은 무얼 하고 있는지 모르겠다.





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작물화가 서서히 진행되면서 짧고 뭉툭한 형태에서 오늘날 우리가 좋아하는 긴 자루와 즙 많은 알갱이를 지닌 옥수수가 되었다.




미국은 옥수수의 나라이다. 그러나 4천 년 전에는 멕시코에서 미국 남서부로 들어와 퍼진 외래종이었다. 새로운 연구에서 이 작물이 여행한 경로를 조사하고, 지금과 같은 모습을 갖추게 된 유전적 변화를 재구성했다.


그 결과는 “유전학에 대한 우리의 지식과 이해에 정말로 중요한 진전이며, 옥수수의 진화사이다”라고 이 연구에 참여하지는 않았지만 고대 아리조나 주의 초기 농업을 연구하는 뉴멕시코 대학의 고고학자 Bruce Huckell 씨는 이야기한다.


옥수수의 야생종은 멕시코 중부의 온습한 환경에서 자라는 풀의 일종인 테오신테teosinte이다. 이곳에서 6천~1만 년 전의 어느 때 처음으로 작물화되었다. 약 4천 년 전, 옥수수가 지금의 미국 남서부에 모습을 나타내기 시작했다. 과학자들은 그러한 여행이 어떻게 이루어졌는지 두 가지 가설을 세웠다. 하나는 태평양 연안으로 확산되었다는 것이고, 다른 하나는 미국 남서부에서 재배되기 전 먼저 멕시코 중부의 더 춥고 건조한 고원지대로 이동했을 것이라는 가정이다.



이것이 바로 옥수수의 조상이라 하는 테오신테의 모습이다. 열매는 보잘 것 없고, 잎과 줄기만 무성하다.




옥수수가 여행한 경로를 파악하기 위해 코펜하겐 대학에서 원시 게놈학을 연구하는 M. Thomas Gilbert 씨와 동료들이 멕시코와 미국 남서부에서 가져온 고대의 옥수수 자루 32개의 DNA를 비교했다. 그들은 가장 오래된 미국 남서부의 옥수수 샘플 —3천 년 전의 것— 이 해안을 따라 자란 품종보다 멕시코 고원지대의 옥수수와 유전적으로 더 유사하다는 사실을 발견하여, Nature Plants에 발표했다. 


그러나 더 최근에 가까운 샘플에서는 해안의 품종과 더 많은 유전자를 공유하는 것을 발견했다. 그것은 옥수수가 “처음에는 고원의 길을 갔다”는 것을 제시한다고 Gilbert 씨는 말한다. 그러나 아직 작물화의 초기 단계였던 그 작물은 아마 고도가 높거나 건조한 미국 남서부에서는 번성하지 못했을 것이다. 몇 백 년이 지나면서 농민들이 “시간을 들여 그것을 개선하기 위해 다른 곳의 품종과 교잡시켰다”고 그는 말한다.


연구팀은 현대의 옥수수가 향한 진화를 재구성할 수 있었다. 농민들이 육종으로 옥수수에서 없애버린 첫 번째 특성은 야생 식물들이 보통 씨앗을 퍼뜨리기 위해 탁 튀어 나가는 탈립성이었다. 어떤 작물의 씨앗을 받아서 이듬해에 심으려고 한다면 “매우 매우 짜증나는 특성이다”라고 Gilbert 씨는 말한다. 그러고 나서 몇 백 년에 걸쳐, 농민들은 미국 남서부의 건조한 환경에서도 번성할 수 있도록 가뭄 저항성 옥수수를 육종했다. 마지막으로 불과 1천 년 전에 맛을 향상시키고, 영양성분을 개선하며, 또르띠야와 타말리 같은 음식을 만들기 쉽도록 가공하기 더 편한 알이 달리게 육종했다. “우리가 식료품점에 가면 볼 수 있는 옥수수처럼 된 것은 정말 얼마 되지 않은 일이다.”라고 Gilbert 씨는 말한다.


이 연구는 “옥수수의 확산에 대한 우리의 이해가 이전에 생각하던 것보다 훨씬 더 복잡함을 보여준다”고 멕시코 남서부와 북부의 초기 농업을 연구하는 텍사스 대학의 고고학자 Robert Hard 씨는 말한다. 그러나 이 그림을 완성하려면 더 많은 고고학 자료가 필요하다. “우리에겐 미국 남서부와 멕시코의 옥수수 원산지 사이의 지역인 멕시코 북부의 광대한 땅에 관한 자료는 거의 없다”고 Hard 씨는 강조한다. 이는 “우리의 이해에는 커다란 빈틈이 있다"는 것을 뜻한다.





원문: http://news.sciencemag.org/archaeology/2015/01/how-corn-became-corn

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미국의 농민장터와 관련하여 흥미로운 기사가 떴다.


국의 농민장터가 한창 증가하다가 요즘은 둔화되고 있다고 한다. 

그리고 현재 미국에서 직거래를 하는 농민은 전체의 7%이고, 판매액은 전체의 1% 미만이라고 하는 사실

어찌 보면 매우 미미한 수준인데, 액수로는 얼마인지 알 수 없으니 일단은 판단을 유보한다.


http://www.latimes.com/food/dailydish/la-dd-has-the-farmers-market-movement-peaked-20150209-story.html

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세계에서 가장 생산성이 뛰어난 농업국가를 꼽으라면 단연 미국을 내세울 수 있다.

그런데, 그런 미국의 농민 인구는 상상을 초월할 정도로 적다.

당연할지 모른다. 자동화, 기계화, 산업화가 완성될수록 한 농장의 농지 규모는 확대되는 반면 노동력을 확 줄어드는 것이 모든 분야와 마찬가지이다.

그래서 미국 농업의 농민 숫자는 전체 인구의 1%대 정도밖에 되지 않는다.

한국 같은 경우 통계청 자료를 보면 2013년 총 283만 정도로 전체 인구 5000만의 5%대를 유지하고 있다.

하지만 속을 들여다보면 미국과 크게 다를 바가 없다. 

283만 가운데 고령층이 40% 정도이니 왕성하게 경제활동을 하는 농민은 그 절반 이하라고 보면 될 것 같다.

그렇다면 한 2~3% 선이 아닐까?


아무튼 농업이 가장 발달했다는 미국에서 농민들이 더욱 감소할 것이라는 전망이다.

아래와 같은 자료를 찾았다.

결론적으로, 앞으로 미국 농민은 전체 3% 정도가 더 줄어들 것이라 한다.

  





그렇다면 이러한 노동력 부족 현상을 해결할 방안은 있는가?

귀농을 유도한다?

사람들은 이제 손에 흙 묻히며 일하는 일을 그리 좋아하지 않는다.

물론 예외적인 나처럼 이상한(?) 사람들은 자진해서 흙을 만지작거리고 싶어하지만, 그런 사람은 흔하지 않다.


다음으로 유력한 방안은 이주노동자를 유입시키는 것이다.

한국도 그렇지만 미국도 역시 이주노동자를 농업 분야에 투입해 노동력 부족을 해결하려는 움직임이 보인다.


자기 손에 묻히기 싫은 흙을 남의 손에는 묻혀야만 먹고 사는 사회, 그리고 세계. 

이는 동서고금을 막론하고 계속되어 온 인간의 역사인 것인가.

누군가의 풍요가 누군가의 빈곤을 바탕으로 한다는 역설은 참 가슴 아프다.



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미국은 정말 엄청난 나라임이 틀림없다. 



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Maggie Cheney, center, the director of farms and education for the food-access group EcoStation:NY, at the Bushwick Campus Farm in Brooklyn with Kristina Erskine, left, and Iyeshima Harris, garden managers.





If you wanted to find someone picking a fat tomato this week in the City of New York, you could go see Esther and Pam, near the kiddie-pool planters on the rooftop of the Metro Baptist Church in Hell’s Kitchen. Or Maggie, Benia, Iyeshima and Kristina at the Bushwick Campus Farm and Greenhouse. Or Deborah, Shella, Sarah, Kate, Rachel and Chelsea in the West Indian haven of East New York Farms. Or Kennon, Leah, Jennifer and Charlotte at the Queens County Farm Museum, which has been planted continuously since 1697. Or Mirem, Cecilia and (another) Esther in the converted parking lot outside P.S. 216 in Gravesend. Or Nick, Caspar and Jared, on a one-acre farm and orchard in Randalls Island Park.

Wait a sec. Nick, Caspar and Jared: Are those unconventional girls’ names now, like Kennedy and Reagan? Because if you’re looking for a farm-fresh tomato in the city this summer, you’re likely to find a woman growing it.

In recent years, chefs, writers, academics, politicians, funders, activists and entrepreneurs have jumped on the hay wagon for urban agriculture. New York now counts some 900 food gardens and farms, by the reckoning of Five Borough Farm, a research and advocacy project.

Yet city farmers will tell you that the green-collar work on these small holdings is the province of a largely pink-collar labor force. Cecilia, not Caspar. And they’ll provide the staffing numbers to show it.





Deborah Greig, the agriculture director of East New York Farms in Brooklyn.





This is where the speculation begins — and, inevitably, the stereotypes. Are women more willing to nurture their communities (and also their beet greens)? Are men preoccupied with techie farm toys like aquaponics? Is gender the reason the radio at the Queens Farm washing station is always stuck on Beyoncé and Alicia Keys?More significant, if urban ag work comes to be seen as women’s work, what will that mean for the movement’s farming model, mission and pay?Counting New York’s urban farmers and market food gardeners can seem like a parlor game: part math, part make-believe. Data on gender is scarce to nonexistent.The federal 2012 Census of Agriculture isn’t much help. It suggested 42 farm “operators” in New York were men and 31 were women. But the census published data from just 31 city farms. (Under confidentiality rules, it doesn’t reveal which farms participated.) And its definitions fail to capture New York’s unique abundance of nonprofit farms and community gardens.





Onika Abraham, right, the director of Farm School NYC, at the Governors Island Urban Farm with Katherine Chin.





A “farm,” by census standards, is any place that grew and sold (or normally would have sold) $1,000 worth of agricultural products in a year. Yet surveys from the parks department’s GreenThumb program suggest that some 45 percent of the city’s hundreds of community food gardens donate their harvest to neighborhood sources and food pantries. Blair Smith, who compiles New York’s data for theU.S.D.A., explained, “Those are not farm businesses, at least from our standpoint.”

New York’s urban farmers — the people who actually work in the field — offer a sharply different head count of what you might call bulls and cows. Of the 19 farms and farm programs that contributed information for this article, 15 reported having a majority of women among their leadership, staff, youth workers, students, apprentices and volunteers. (Of the remaining four, one claimed gender parity and another hired two men this summer from a seasonal applicant pool of 18 men and 30 women.)

It’s a snapshot, not a statistically rigorous poll. Still, the farms, from all five boroughs, represent a broad sample of New York’s particular growing models: a commercial rooftop farm; community gardens; and farms attached to schools, restaurants, parks, churches, housing developments and community organizations. The sample included two city-based farmer-training programs and two out-of-state sustainable farm-education schools and fellowships. These are the types of programs that mold future urban farmers.

Describing their own farms and gardens, managers suggested that women make up 60 to 80 percent of field workers, organizers and educators. Applicant pools are similarly unbalanced for summer postings, internships and certification programs.




Kristina Erskine, a garden manager at the Bushwick Campus Farm in Brooklyn.





Farm School NYC, an affiliate of the food-access nonprofit Just Food, “is 100 percent female-run,” said its director, onika Abraham. But then, she added, “I’m the only staff person.”

More important, Farm School NYC receives 150 to 200 applicants annually for professional agriculture instruction. For this year’s entering 30-person class, Ms. Abraham said, “the breakdown for applicants was 76 percent women and 24 percent male.” (Applications for next year are open through Sept. 15.)

The gender divide appears to exist in salaried posts and volunteer work alike. For 18 years, Steve Frillmann has led Green Guerillas, which provides support and materials to more than 200 community garden groups. Most of these sites lie in central Brooklyn, Harlem and the South Bronx, and three-quarters of their volunteer leaders, he estimates, are women. So, too, women typically represent 75 to 80 percent of the applicants who want to join Green Guerillas on an AmeriCorps stipend.

It’s challenging work, and Mr. Frillmann, 49, is happy to hire whoever wants to do it. “To be honest with you, we’ve never really lifted and looked under the hood and tried to figure out why,” he said.

At the extreme, Edible Schoolyard NYC runs a food and garden-teaching program with two growing plots and a staff of 16. Sixteen of these employees are women.

Kate Brashares, 40, who is the group’s executive director, said: “It’s a little unusual we don’t have any men on staff at the moment. There are usually one or two.”

Ms. Brashares believes that the diversity of her employees should reflect the low-income communities where they work. That diversity includes gender. “We talk about wanting to get a few more men in the place,” she said. “It’s funny, we haven’t talked about it that much, though. It’s one of those things that just sort of happened. As we’ve gotten bigger, it’s gotten more obvious.”

Less obvious is why the discrepancy exists. Ms. Brashares speculated about the prevalence of women in education and nonprofit careers. But ultimately, she concluded, “I honestly don’t know.”

Karen Washington has been observing the community garden scene for more than 25 years from her plot in the Garden of Happiness, a couple of blocks from the Bronx Zoo. She also organizes the Black Urban Growers conference and a long list of other food and neighborhood initiatives. This roster may explain why Ms. Washington, 60, is prone to make work calls at 10 o’clock at night, say, after teaching a class on season-extending hoop houses, or on the way home from running La Familia Verde farmers’ market.

Nowadays, she sees a cohort in her gardens that she gauges to be 80 percent women. “It was more 60/40 back in the early days,” Ms. Washington said. “Mostly Southern blacks and Puerto Ricans. They were in their 40s and they’re in their 80s now.”

Explaining the gender gap on a community garden level, she said, “a lot of it, from my point of view, had to do with the fact women lived longer than men.”

The stereotypical image of an American farmer may be a white man of late middle age captaining a $450,000 combine in an air-conditioned cockpit, high above a flokati of corn. But this profile is a poor match for farmers in Latin America, the Caribbean, Asia and Africa — that is, the groups that often predominate in New York’s community food gardens. Nevin Cohen, 52, an assistant professor at the New School and an expert on urban food issues, points to a telling statistic from a United Nations special rapporteur: “Women are 80 percent of the global agricultural labor force.”

Many of the women who farm in Bushwick with Maggie Cheney possess experience in small-scale agriculture. They’ve long fed their families out of extensive kitchen gardens (as Colonial-era immigrant women did in New England). Ms. Cheney, 30, is the director of farming and education for the food-access group EcoStation:NY. And on the group’s two growing sites, she said: “I tend to work with a lot of recent immigrants from Africa, Mexico, Ecuador. And the islands: Jamaica and Haiti, the Dominican Republic.”

Ms. Cheney’s youth interns (five boys and nine girls) include the children of some of those immigrants. Yet wherever they were born, the youth growers at the Bushwick Campus Farm do not approach New York gardens as virgin soil.

Their fathers may have experienced farm labor as a harsh and exploitative activity, Ms. Cheney said. These men are not necessarily the easiest people to recruit for a hot afternoon of unearthing potatoes. By contrast, “I see a lot of girls interested because they may have that positive relationship to being the ones who cook in the family and buy the food in the market.”

She added, “The ones that I see, their roles at home are very gendered.” The politics of the New York “food justice” movement start at progressive and run to radical. But the connection between women and urban farming can appear traditional and even conservative.

Born and raised on the Lower East Side, Ms. Abraham, 40, recalls visiting her family’s black farmstead in Alabama. She said: “My grandfather grew row crops: cotton, soybeans and corn. He worked the fields. My grandma was home with a large vegetable garden and chickens.”

Put another way: “My grandmother grew the food; he grew the money. And I think maybe the scale of what we do in the city relates more to this kitchen garden.”

The Five Borough Farm project identified three commercial farms in New York, all of them sophisticated rooftop operations. Gotham Greens, for example, runs two (and soon three) climate-controlled hydroponic greenhouses in Gowanus and Greenpoint, Brooklyn. (Next stop: Jamaica, Queens.)

Of the company’s 50-odd employees, more than two-thirds are men, said the company’s 33-year-old co-founder, Viraj Puri. “At Gotham Greens, our approach is more plant-science and engineering focused and less ‘gardening’ focused,” Mr. Puri wrote in an email. He posited that this orientation may account for the different gender skew.

Beyond these few enterprises, the city’s farms exist not just to grow okra, but to advance a shopping list of social goals. These include recreation, nutrition, public health, environmental stewardship, ecological services, food access and security, community development, neighborhood cohesion, job training, senior engagement and education. We ask a lot of our gardens.

Mara Gittleman, who jointly runs the Kingsborough Community College farm program, at the end of Manhattan Beach, often sees urban farming likened in the news media to “the new social work, or this thing you do for poor people.” In response, Ms. Gittleman, 26, founded the research project Farming Concrete to record and publicize the surprising yield raised in community gardens. These are vegetables that come not from the glittering glass on high, but from the ground up.

Be that as it may, if you’re trying to account for why so many college-educated women are attracted to urban agriculture, nearly everyone agrees that a social calling is the place to start. “Definitely, the most visible influx is young white people, and I’m one of them,” Ms. Gittleman said.

If urban farming were just about the crops, it would be cheaper and easier to do it 50 miles north. Urban farming, however, is not a solitary or single-minded activity. Along with the weeding and pruning, the job description includes sowing community interest and reaping grants.

Kennon Kay, the 31-year-old director of agriculture at Queens Farm, said: “What makes this farm different is the element of public interaction. We have over half a million visitors a year.”

The farm staff currently numbers two men and five women, which is actually a bumper crop of gents. And Ms. Kay takes pains to say: “I don’t want to knock the guys. They’re great.”

That said, in her experience, “Women have been extremely effective in multitasking, planning, communicating and being the representatives of this public organization.”

Inevitably, there’s an inverse to saying that women are attracted to work that involves children and the elderly, caring and social justice. In short, you’re implying that men don’t care, or care a lot less.

This is what you might call the men-as-sociopaths hypothesis (M.A.S.H.), and Nick Storrs, 29, who manages the Randalls Island Park Alliance Urban Farm, does not buy it. “I would refute the claim that guys are sociopaths,” he said.

Having cheerfully dispensed with that libel, he struggled to explain why men seem less interested in the social goals of community agriculture. “I don’t know, because I am interested in it,” Mr. Storrs said.

So where are the men?

“Wall Street,” Ms. Washington said (a theory that may not be inconsistent with M.A.S.H.).

The Bronx’s vegetable plots, she will tell you, are not insulated from what goes on outside the garden gates. “A lot of our men of color are incarcerated,” she said. “Huge problem. If you tell a 21-year-old man just out of jail to go into farming, he’s going to look at you as if you have two heads.”

Or in the words of Esther Liu, 25, a rooftop farmer at the Hell’s Kitchen Farm Project: “Men? Perhaps they want a living wage.”

The time has arrived, as it always does, to talk about money. The pay for community-based agriculture starts low and climbs over time to not much higher.

Ms. Cheney endeavors to pay her youth interns $8.30 to $9.30 an hour and the Bushwick farm managers $17 an hour. Farmers with longer tenure may earn $20. These are decent wages in agriculture, Ms. Cheney said. Yet they’re hardly enough to keep up with the climbing rents in a gentrifying neighborhood.

Deborah Greig, 32, oversees the crowded market at East New York Farms, leads the gardener-education program, manages dozens of youth workers, and cultivates specialty crops like dasheen and bitter melon. (And some 65 to 70 percent of her farm staff, apprentices and youth interns are women.) “I get paid $37,000 a year,” Ms. Greig said. “I started at $28,000 or $29,000, which was huge at the time. And I have insurance included.”

The permanence of the job, which she has held for seven years, is a boon to Ms. Greig and to the community where she works. Ultimately, Ms. Abraham, of Farm School NYC, argues that only stable employment will make urban farming viable for neighborhood women — and men — who lack the safety net of a college degree and family support.

For her part, Ms. Greig is probably underpaid. Don’t tell anyone, but she would do the job for less. “People don’t expect to be paid very much doing this work,” she said. “It’s a labor of love to a certain extent. I don’t think we’ve come up with a hard and fast model to pay people exceedingly well for doing nonprofit urban-farming work.”


Sounds like a job for the guys on Wall Street.

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If you were to take a little bit of dairy, add a slightly larger serving of vegetables, fruits and proteins, and then pile on as many superfluous oils, fats, and grains as possible, you would have a reasonably accurate depiction of the modern American diet.

Americans on average now eat nearly 2,600 calories a day, almost 500 more than they did forty years ago, according to the USDA, which uses food production data, along with spoilage and waste estimates, to approximate per capita consumption.

That increase alone should be enough to raise an eyebrow (or three hundred million), but what's most troubling isn't the increase in our caloric intake, so much as its make-up. Over 92% of the uptick in per capita caloric intake since 1970 is attributable to oils, fats, and grains. Thirty years ago, the combination was responsible for roughly 37% of our daily calories; today, it makes up closer to 47% of our diet.



What exactly we should glean from that reality isn't entirely clear. Oils, fats, and grains, aren't inherently bad. In fact, there's good reason to believe that many fats and oils are actually just the opposite. And grains, despite a growing narrative about their potential harms, come in all shapes and sizes—some are protein-rich, like quinoa, while others offer little, if any, nutritional value, such as enriched white flour.

But to call a calorie a calorie is misguided—especially if one is highly processed, or refined—and it's easy enough to extrapolate from the kind of calories we're consuming more of nowadays. It's likely of little coincidence, for instance, that the two food groups Americans are eating more and more of—added fats and oils, and flour and cereal products—are the same ones that are found in most processed and fast foods.

Bentley isn't blindly holding her finger to the wind. A 2013 study by USDA's Economic Research Service seems to confirm her suspicion. Fast food is a much more integral part of the American diet than it was in the 1970s. Between 1977 and 1978, fast food accounted for just over 3% of calories in the US diet; between 2005 and 2008, that share skyrocketed to over 13%."It's hard to pinpoint why exactly it's increased," Jeanine Bentley, the social science analyst responsible for the USDA's food availability database, said in an interview. "But it probably comes from an increase in processed and fast foods."



Americans are also spending almost three times the recommended amount on refined grains, and many times more than the recommended amount on frozen and refrigerated entrees, according to the same study.



The sum of all those calories, which appear to largely be the wrong kind of calories, is an ever-expanding American waistline. Americans aged 20 and older are now almost three times as likely to be obese as they were only 30 years ago—the increase is enough to afford the U.S. the unenviable distinction of being the most obese major country in the world.



That distinction is that its more than merely a health conundrum; it's a full-fledged economic problem, too. As of 2008, the annual medical costs alone of obesity amounted to almost $150 billion, according to the Center for Disease Control and Prevention. Some, including food journalist Mark Bittman, believe the total annual costs of the epidemic in the US could now exceed $1 trillion.

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오오오옷! 몇 달 전 캘리포니아 지역 오렌지 농장에 세균성 녹병이 돌면서 그를 해결하기 위해 유전자변형이 필요하단 뉴욕타임즈의 기사가 있었는데, 다른 해결책을 제시하는 기사가 나왔다.


요지는 세균성 녹병을 옮기는 것이 나무이 같은 벌레인데 그걸 잡아먹는 기생말벌 등을 이용해 녹병이 번지는 걸 막는다는 것. 일종의 천적농법이다.


너무나 흥미롭지 않은가. 역시 농사의 세계는 무궁무진하구나.





세상에나, 찾아보니 뉴욕타임즈의 관련 기사는 몇 달이 아니라 거의 1년 전 기사였다.

나의 뇌는 시간의 흐름도 잊고 멈추어 있었던 것이냐?





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Danelle Myer calls her business one Farm", June 18, 2014 in Logan, Iowa




Danelle Myer washes radishes just picked on her farm, June 18, 2014 in Logan, Iowa




Danelle Myer shows the field where she will grow most of her vegetables next year, located next to her house, June 18, 2014 in Logan, Iowa



As a teenager, Danelle Myer wanted nothing more than to leave her family's farm in Iowa and become a big-city advertising executive.


Now, the 42-year-old juggles orders for cabbage and deals with hail damage on her patch of land.

After building a career in public relations, Myer returned three years ago to her rural roots in the US farm belt -- the tiny Iowan town of Logan, less than 40 miles (60 kilometers) north of Omaha, Nebraska.

"In my 20s, my health was not the greatest. I started realizing what we put in our body matters. I became more health-conscious," Myer said.


"What pushed me over the edge was the land owned by my family," said the fifth-generation farmer, as she sat cross-legged among her plants in a pink tank top and flip-flops.


"It is an immense privilege and I should do something about it."


But she had no intention of taking up the conventional farming practices of her parents, who raise corn, soybeans and cattle.


For her, it would be a truck farm on a small, sloping piece of land "all pesticide- and GM-free," she said, referring to genetically modified seeds that dominate much of US corn and soybean crops.


In the heart of the Midwest, the breadbasket of the United States and known for agricultural productivity, Myer's story is no longer so unusual.



- Small farms booming -


In the land of industrial-scale agriculture, "truck farming" -- small-scale fresh fruit and vegetable production -- is booming, encouraged by the rising consumer interest in food grown locally, an industry worth $7 billion.


The country has 8,100 farmers' markets, and nearly 150,000 farmers and ranchers sell their products directly to consumers. Some 44 percent of schools have links to local farms for student meals.


To encourage the trend, the US government on June 9 launched "Local Food, Local Places", a program that provides experts in agricultural, transportation, the environment and the regional economy to rural communities to help them build local food systems.


"The changes are tangible and inspiring," said Alice Topaloff, a young French-American agricultural engineer working in Iowa.


"The development of local farms is catching on, and in a more spectacular way than in France," she said.

"Certainly that is because people are distancing themselves from farms with thousands of acres (hectares) and where food culture isn't as anchored to locally grown food."


But it is a tough row to hoe.


The first year, in 2010, Myer sold $2,200 worth of vegetables. Her target this season is $20,000. Even if she makes that, it will not be enough to pay the bills. She works part-time in public relations to get by.


"To make a good standard of living for a conventional corn and soybean farm, it takes up to 2,000 acres (800 hectares). If you want the same standards of living on a vegetable farm, you could probably do it on 10 acres," said Craig Chase, an economist at Iowa State University who has been watching the rise of sustainable, organic, and local farming in the US since the 1980s.


A jump in land prices in the Midwest in recent years is also a major reason why young people are setting up vegetable and small farms, Chase said.


For the children of farmers who cannot split up the farm without making it less profitable, and for immigrants and organic farmers wanting their own operation, the price of land is out of reach, he said.


"If your land is $10,000 an acre and you want to begin farming, you are looking for a high-value crop versus a high-volume, lower-value crop."



- 'People just like the taste' -


Consumers' desire for healthier, more flavorful food is a driver. Topaloff said food security also plays a role.

Unlike in Europe, she said, "here, people are not particularly worried about genetically modified foods."


"By contrast, because the agri-food industry is concentrated in the hands of three or four companies, people are concerned that a terrorist attack could have a giant impact."


Bending over to pull out weeds from her new greenhouse, Myer insisted she would not trade anything in the world for the hours spent among her radishes, sweet potatoes and chamomile, specially raised for a herbalist in Omaha.


She seemed exhausted but determined.


Smiling broadly, Myer said she gets lots of encouragement -- from some because she is a woman, from others because she is a "hometown girl" or because she grows organically.


"Some people just like the taste of my food," she said.


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현재 옥수수는 세계에서 가장 가치 있는 작물이라 손꼽을 수 있습니다. 


아래 그림에 보이는 옥수수의 가치사슬을 확인해 보셔요. 


미국의 저력이 바로 이 옥수수에서 나오죠.





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