728x90

http://blogs.ei.columbia.edu/2011/05/05/how-china-is-dealing-with-its-water-crisis/




Recently I traveled to Southeast Yunnan in China to see the spectacular Yuan Yang rice terraces, flooded and ready for spring planting. Rice is a very water-hungry crop and China is the world’s largest producer of rice and grain. Yet China is facing a perilous water crisis.

China becomes drier each year—its freshwater reserves declined 13% between 2000 and 2009. Severe droughts occurred in 2000, 2007 and 2009. Normally the southern regions receive 80% of China’s rainfall and snowmelt, about 79 inches a year, while the north and west get 20%, 8 to 16 inches.




This winter, Beijing and the northern and eastern provinces had the worst drought in 60 years. It has left 2.57 million people and 2.79 million heads of livestock short of water, and affected 12.75 million acres of wheat fields, which sent global food prices soaring. South China experienced 50% less rainfall than normal, resulting in the drying up of rivers and reservoirs. While torrential rainfall fell on the south this week, northern regions are still suffering from drought.

China’s per capita availability of water is 1/3 the world’s average, and in the dry north where most of the grain and vegetables are grown, per capita availability is only 1/4 of that in the south. Over 300 million people in rural areas have no access to safe drinking water and 54% of China’s main rivers contain water unfit for human consumption.



Drought in southwest China. Photo credit: Bert van Dijk



The water crisis is due to a number of interlinked factors. Climate change is speeding up the melting of glaciers on the Tibetan Plateau, which is affecting the Yangtze, Mekong and Indus Rivers. Warming temperatures and changing precipitation patterns are causing droughts and increasing desertification. According toWorld on the Edge by Lester Brown, over the last 50 years, 24,000 villages in north and west China were abandoned because of desertification, and the advancing Gobi Desert is now only 150 miles from Beijing.

Water pollution has increased over the last three decades, penetrating coastal and inland water bodies, and both surface and groundwater. Rivers and lakes polluted by industrial wastewater discharge, untreated sewage, and agricultural runoff force people to draw on groundwater, which results in falling water tables and the drying up of wells, wetlands, and lakes. As groundwater is pumped faster than it can be recharged, wells must be dug deeper, raising the risks for saltwater intrusion and land subsidence. In 2005, 36.3% of north China’s water supply was taken from groundwater, and 90% of urban groundwater was reported to be polluted.

Waste and inefficiency also contribute to the water shortage according to a 2009 World Bank report on China’s water scarcity which found that only 45% of the water withdrawn for agriculture actually gets used by the crops.  In addition, the water recycling rate for industry (which accounts for 24% of China’s water consumption) is only 40%, compared to 75% to 85% in developed countries.

China’s population of 1.3 billion, almost half of which is urban, is expected to reach 1.45 billion by 2020. National water consumption will go from 599 billion cubic meters (158 trillion gallons) to 630 billion cubic meters by 2020. By then, 57% of the population will live in cities, and by 2030, 70% will be urban dwellers—who consume three times as much water and energy as rural residents.

So not only must China deal with a drying climate and the water needs of a fast-growing urban populace, it must also satisfy the increased demands for energy—and energy production requires water. By 2020, electricity generating capacity is expected to double to 1,900 gigawatts, and despite the country’s significant investments in renewable energy, more than one-fourth of the added electricity will still have to come from coal, which today provides 70% of China’s energy.




Coal mining, processing, combustion and coal-to-chemical industries are responsible for 22% of the nation’s total water consumption, second only to agriculture. In the future, China’s new coal-to-liquid fuel plants that make diesel fuel and water-intensive coal-to-chemical plants that produce pharmaceuticals, pesticides, fertilizer, plastics, etc. will only multiply. By 2020, the coal sector will be responsible for 27% of China’s total water consumption, with an estimated 34 billion cubic meters of water per year used by coal-fired power plants alone. The problem is that most of this additional water will be needed in the arid northern and western provinces of Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia, Shanxi and Ningxia where China’s vast coal reserves lie. But between 2004 and 2009, Inner Mongolia lost 46.8 million cubic meters of fresh water and Xinjiang lost 95.5 million cubic meters.

In an interview with Circle of Blue, a nonprofit that reports on the global water crisis, Ma Jun, Director of the Institute for Public and Environmental Affairs, and author of China’s Water Crisis, warned that if China does not resolve this water-energy dilemma, it could have serious repercussions for the country’s biodiversity, public health, social stability, energy security, and even global relations.

China’s leaders know that water scarcity is a huge problem, and are tackling it on a number of fronts.  one solution is a plan to quadruple the country’s capacity to desalinate seawater over the next decade. Today China can desalinate 600,000 tons of water a day, but it aims to produce 2.5 to 3 million tons of desalinated water a day by 2020, mainly for use in the dry northern areas. However, desalination is expensive and requires energy, which, in turn, involves more water.



Construction of the SNWDP. Photo credit: Bert van Dijk



To meet the water and energy demands of urban centers, industry, and agriculture in the northern and western provinces, China is building the $62 billion South-to-North Water Diversion Project (SNWDP), the largest such project ever attempted. When completed in 2050, it will link the Yangtze, Yellow, Huaihe and Haihe rivers, and divert 44.8 billion cubic meters of water yearly from southern rivers to the arid north. The SNWDP will consist of three routes. The eastern route, begun in December 2002, will transfer 14.8 billion cubic meters of water yearly from the lower Yangtze, via the ancient 1800-kilometer Hangzhou to Beijing canal, to Jiangsu, Anhui, Shandong and Hebei provinces and the city of Tianjin. It is expected to be completed in 2013.  The central route, begun in December 2003, will operate on gravity alone and divert 13 billion cubic meters of water each year from the Danjiangkou Reservoir on the Han River (a Yangtze tributary) to Beijing, Tianjin and other cities. It’s scheduled for completion in 2014. The ambitious and controversial western route will transfer water from three Yangtze tributaries across the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau through the Bayankala Mountains into northwest China. Designed to replenish the flows of the Yellow River for irrigation, it has not yet been given the official go-ahead.

Economists, environmentalists, academics and other critics have raised concerns about the SNWDP, fearing that water from the lower Yangtze for the eastern route will remain too polluted to use even after passing through numerous water treatment plants that are planned, and that further industrialization along the routes could pollute diverted water.  Because the south of China is also becoming drier, some worry that the southern provinces just do not have enough water to spare. And there are also concerns about the displacement of people, and the destruction of pasture and antiquities.

Of the SNWDP, Ma Jun said, “this extra volume will only delay the coming of the crisis a little bit. It will not really resolve the whole problem…it cannot fill out even the current, existing gap, let alone that much bigger gap in the future, unless we do something very, very different in our water governance.”

The Chinese leadership is trying not only to increase water supply, but also to curb demand through conservation and efficiency measures, and it’s committed to spending $612.23 billion on water conservation over the next 10 years. Since 1998, China has taken 21 million acres of farmland out of production, and required farmers to use more water conserving irrigation practices, reducing the water consumption of agriculture from 83% in 1990 to 60% in 2010.




Plastic sheeting on fields. Photo credit: Renee Cho



In a pilot program I saw in action throughout southwest China, farmers place plastic sheeting around crops, which collects rainwater that flows into the land and minimizes water loss.

Industry is conserving water through a progressive new system of water rights transfers in arid Inner Mongolia and Ningxia: The coal industry pays farmers for irrigation upgrades that save water which it can then use. State-of-the-art coal plants are producing more electricity and using less water, while coal mines in Inner Mongolia and Shanxi Province are consolidating in order to use water more efficiently. Proposed industrial plants have to prove there is enough water available for them to operate before construction begins, and once approved, must recycle their water. New buildings in big cities like Beijing are outfitted with plumbing systems that recycle water for washing clothes and flushing toilets.

China is also investing heavily in water-saving renewables such as wind, solar, and seawater-cooled nuclear power, and expects that their generating capacity will go from 53 gigawatts in 2010 to 230 gigawatts in 2020. New solar, wind and nuclear plants will replace 100 coal plants, conserving 3.5 billion cubic meters of water per year.

On March 14, 2011, China released its 12th Five-year Plan. “With the 12th Five-Year Plan, China is adopting its most stringent water resource policies to date,” said Wang Hao, director of the Water Resources Department at the China Institute of Water Resources and Hydropower Research. The plan calls for a 30% reduction in water use for every dollar of industrial output, aims to reduce water pollution by 8% by 2015, and puts a limit on total water use in the Yellow River Basin.

Will these commitments and long-range plans be enough to solve China’s water crisis?  The World Bank report stressed that China also needs to strengthen law enforcement, streamline and coordinate water management institutions, and establish clear water rights and penalties. It recommended the use of water trading rights and water pricing to manage demand, and suggested making more information available to the public to increase public involvement.

Despite the daunting challenges, the World Bank expressed confidence in China’s ability to meet them. “The Chinese, who have demonstrated immense innovative capacity in their successful program of economic reform, can and should take another bold move in reforming the institutional and policy framework to make it become a world leader in water resource management.”

-

Columbia Water Center demonstrates research-based solutions to global freshwater scarcity.  Follow Columbia Water Center on Facebook and Twitter

728x90
저작자표시 비영리 변경금지

'곳간 > 해외자료' 카테고리의 다른 글

지속가능하게 수확량 공백을 메울 수 있나  (0) 2011.06.08
돼지의 두엄 생산  (0) 2011.05.08
골드만 삭스가 어떻게 식량위기를 만들었나  (0) 2011.04.29
땅으로 돌아가다  (0) 2011.04.29
부르키나파소의 전통적인 덮기 방법  (0) 2011.04.21
728x90



Demand and supply certainly matter. But there's another reason why food across the world has become so expensive: Wall Street greed.

It took the brilliant minds of Goldman Sachs to realize the simple truth that nothing is more valuable than our daily bread. And where there's value, there's money to be made. In 1991, Goldman bankers, led by their prescient president Gary Cohn, came up with a new kind of investment product, a derivative that tracked 24 raw materials, from precious metals and energy to coffee, cocoa, cattle, corn, hogs, soy, and wheat. They weighted the investment value of each element, blended and commingled the parts into sums, then reduced what had been a complicated collection of real things into a mathematical formula that could be expressed as a single manifestation, to be known henceforth as the Goldman Sachs Commodity Index (GSCI).

For just under a decade, the GSCI remained a relatively static investment vehicle, as bankers remained more interested in risk and collateralized debt than in anything that could be literally sowed or reaped. Then, in 1999, the Commodities Futures Trading Commission deregulated futures markets. All of a sudden, bankers could take as large a position in grains as they liked, an opportunity that had, since the Great Depression, only been available to those who actually had something to do with the production of our food.

Change was coming to the great grain exchanges of Chicago, Minneapolis, and Kansas City -- which for 150 years had helped to moderate the peaks and valleys of global food prices. Farming may seem bucolic, but it is an inherently volatile industry, subject to the vicissitudes of weather, disease, and disaster. The grain futures trading system pioneered after the American Civil War by the founders of Archer Daniels Midland, General Mills, and Pillsbury helped to establish America as a financial juggernaut to rival and eventually surpass Europe. The grain markets also insulated American farmers and millers from the inherent risks of their profession. The basic idea was the "forward contract," an agreement between sellers and buyers of wheat for a reasonable bushel price -- even before that bushel had been grown. Not only did a grain "future" help to keep the price of a loaf of bread at the bakery -- or later, the supermarket -- stable, but the market allowed farmers to hedge against lean times, and to invest in their farms and businesses. The result: Over the course of the 20th century, the real price of wheat decreased (despite a hiccup or two, particularly during the 1970s inflationary spiral), spurring the development of American agribusiness. After World War II, the United States was routinely producing a grain surplus, which became an essential element of its Cold War political, economic, and humanitarian strategies -- not to mention the fact that American grain fed millions of hungry people across the world.

Futures markets traditionally included two kinds of players. on one side were the farmers, the millers, and the warehousemen, market players who have a real, physical stake in wheat. This group not only includes corn growers in Iowa or wheat farmers in Nebraska, but major multinational corporations like Pizza Hut, Kraft, Nestlé, Sara Lee, Tyson Foods, and McDonald's -- whose New York Stock Exchange shares rise and fall on their ability to bring food to peoples' car windows, doorsteps, and supermarket shelves at competitive prices. These market participants are called "bona fide" hedgers, because they actually need to buy and sell cereals.

On the other side is the speculator. The speculator neither produces nor consumes corn or soy or wheat, and wouldn't have a place to put the 20 tons of cereal he might buy at any given moment if ever it were delivered. Speculators make money through traditional market behavior, the arbitrage of buying low and selling high. And the physical stakeholders in grain futures have as a general rule welcomed traditional speculators to their market, for their endless stream of buy and sell orders gives the market its liquidity and provides bona fide hedgers a way to manage risk by allowing them to sell and buy just as they pleased.

But Goldman's index perverted the symmetry of this system. The structure of the GSCI paid no heed to the centuries-old buy-sell/sell-buy patterns. This newfangled derivative product was "long only," which meant the product was constructed to buy commodities, and only buy. At the bottom of this "long-only" strategy lay an intent to transform an investment in commodities (previously the purview of specialists) into something that looked a great deal like an investment in a stock -- the kind of asset class wherein anyone could park their money and let it accrue for decades (along the lines of General Electric or Apple). once the commodity market had been made to look more like the stock market, bankers could expect new influxes of ready cash. But the long-only strategy possessed a flaw, at least for those of us who eat. The GSCI did not include a mechanism to sell or "short" a commodity.

This imbalance undermined the innate structure of the commodities markets, requiring bankers to buy and keep buying -- no matter what the price. Every time the due date of a long-only commodity index futures contract neared, bankers were required to "roll" their multi-billion dollar backlog of buy orders over into the next futures contract, two or three months down the line. And since the deflationary impact of shorting a position simply wasn't part of the GSCI, professional grain traders could make a killing by anticipating the market fluctuations these "rolls" would inevitably cause. "I make a living off the dumb money," commodity trader Emil van Essen told Businessweek last year. Commodity traders employed by the banks that had created the commodity index funds in the first place rode the tides of profit.

Bankers recognized a good system when they saw it, and dozens of speculative non-physical hedgers followed Goldman's lead and joined the commodities index game, including Barclays, Deutsche Bank, Pimco, JP Morgan Chase, AIG, Bear Stearns, and Lehman Brothers, to name but a few purveyors of commodity index funds. The scene had been set for food inflation that would eventually catch unawares some of the largest milling, processing, and retailing corporations in the United States, and send shockwaves throughout the world.

The money tells the story. Since the bursting of the tech bubble in 2000, there has been a 50-fold increase in dollars invested in commodity index funds. To put the phenomenon in real terms: In 2003, the commodities futures market still totaled a sleepy $13 billion. But when the global financial crisis sent investors running scared in early 2008, and as dollars, pounds, and euros evaded investor confidence, commodities -- including food -- seemed like the last, best place for hedge, pension, and sovereign wealth funds to park their cash. "You had people who had no clue what commodities were all about suddenly buying commodities," an analyst from the United States Department of Agriculture told me. In the first 55 days of 2008, speculators poured $55 billion into commodity markets, and by July, $318 billion was roiling the markets. Food inflation has remained steady since.

The money flowed, and the bankers were ready with a sparkling new casino of food derivatives. Spearheaded by oil and gas prices (the dominant commodities of the index funds) the new investment products ignited the markets of all the other indexed commodities, which led to a problem familiar to those versed in the history of tulips, dot-coms, and cheap real estate: a food bubble. Hard red spring wheat, which usually trades in the $4 to $6 dollar range per 60-pound bushel, broke all previous records as the futures contract climbed into the teens and kept on going until it topped $25. And so, from 2005 to 2008, the worldwide price of food rose 80 percent -- and has kept rising. "It's unprecedented how much investment capital we've seen in commodity markets," Kendell Keith, president of the National Grain and Feed Association, told me. "There's no question there's been speculation." In a recently published briefing note, Olivier De Schutter, the U.N. Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food, concluded that in 2008 "a significant portion of the price spike was due to the emergence of a speculative bubble."

What was happening to the grain markets was not the result of "speculation" in the traditional sense of buying low and selling high. Today, along with the cumulative index, the Standard & Poors GSCI provides 219 distinct index "tickers," so investors can boot up their Bloomberg system and bet on everything from palladium to soybean oil, biofuels to feeder cattle. But the boom in new speculative opportunities in global grain, edible oil, and livestock markets has created a vicious cycle. The more the price of food commodities increases, the more money pours into the sector, and the higher prices rise. Indeed, from 2003 to 2008, the volume of index fund speculation increased by 1,900 percent. "What we are experiencing is a demand shock coming from a new category of participant in the commodities futures markets," hedge fund Michael Masters testified before Congress in the midst of the 2008 food crisis.

The result of Wall Street's venture into grain and feed and livestock has been a shock to the global food production and delivery system. Not only does the world's food supply have to contend with constricted supply and increased demand for real grain, but investment bankers have engineered an artificial upward pull on the price of grain futures. The result: Imaginary wheat dominates the price of real wheat, as speculators (traditionally one-fifth of the market) now outnumber bona-fide hedgers four-to-one.

Today, bankers and traders sit at the top of the food chain -- the carnivores of the system, devouring everyone and everything below. Near the bottom toils the farmer. For him, the rising price of grain should have been a windfall, but speculation has also created spikes in everything the farmer must buy to grow his grain -- from seed to fertilizer to diesel fuel. At the very bottom lies the consumer. The average American, who spends roughly 8 to 12 percent of her weekly paycheck on food, did not immediately feel the crunch of rising costs. But for the roughly 2-billion people across the world who spend more than 50 percent of their income on food, the effects have been staggering: 250 million people joined the ranks of the hungry in 2008, bringing the total of the world's "food insecure" to a peak of 1 billion -- a number never seen before.

What's the solution? The last time I visited the Minneapolis Grain Exchange, I asked a handful of wheat brokers what would happen if the U.S. government simply outlawed long-only trading in food commodities for investment banks. Their reaction: laughter. one phone call to a bona-fide hedger like Cargill or Archer Daniels Midland and one secret swap of assets, and a bank's stake in the futures market is indistinguishable from that of an international wheat buyer. What if the government outlawed all long-only derivative products, I asked? once again, laughter. Problem solved with another phone call, this time to a trading office in London or Hong Kong; the new food derivative markets have reached supranational proportions, beyond the reach of sovereign law.

Volatility in the food markets has also trashed what might have been a great opportunity for global cooperation. The higher the cost of corn, soy, rice, and wheat, the more the grain producing-nations of the world should cooperate in order to ensure that panicked (and generally poorer) grain-importing nations do not spark ever more dramatic contagions of food inflation and political upheaval. Instead, nervous countries have responded instead with me-first policies, from export bans to grain hoarding to neo-mercantilist land grabs in Africa. And efforts by concerned activists or international agencies to curb grain speculation have gone nowhere. All the while, the index funds continue to prosper, the bankers pocket the profits, and the world's poor teeter on the brink of starvation.

http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2011/04/27/how_goldman_sachs_created_the_food_crisis?page=0,1

728x90
저작자표시 비영리 변경금지

'곳간 > 해외자료' 카테고리의 다른 글

돼지의 두엄 생산  (0) 2011.05.08
중국은 물 위기를 어떻게 처리할 것인가  (0) 2011.05.06
땅으로 돌아가다  (0) 2011.04.29
부르키나파소의 전통적인 덮기 방법  (0) 2011.04.21
불지르지 않기의 평가와 유기거름 주기 실천  (0) 2011.04.21
728x90

John and Stephanie Rudgard train others to be more self-sufficient
John and Stephanie Rudgard train others to be more self-sufficient Photo: MARTIN POPE



... and growing their own vegetables from seed

growing their own vegetables from seed Photo: gardenpicture.com



John Rudgard was leading a stressful life in the hospitality sector, working unholy hours at the office when his wife, Stephanie, sent him on a course — Permaculture for Busy People. It changed their lives. Now they lead a more sustainable existence, raising animals and growing food, and make a living teaching others how to follow in their footsteps, from their house, Rifleman Cottage, in Kent.

Stephanie Rudgard-Redsell comes from farming stock. She studied land economy at Cambridge and, although John’s mother was an enthusiastic gardener, he came from a household “where men mow”. How on Earth did they take that huge leap away from the rat race to reduce their footprint?

Stephanie says she stopped reading the Ecologist, with its messages of doom and gloom, and started reading The Land and Permaculture Magazine. Most of their tenets are familiar to all of us: use less, grow more, buy less. Their family may not holiday abroad or eat out in swanky restaurants any more, but they find their new life healthier, invigorating and affirmative.

No one can change overnight without spending a fortune but, by taking small steps, they’re moving in the right direction. They still have unfulfilled ambitions; to be even greener, to keep bees or goats and possibly offer camping holidays.

The downsides they battle are the wind – solution: to plant an edible shelter belt; rabbits – possibly lapin au moutarde for supper a bit more frequently; and summer water restrictions – a lot more water butts.

The philosophy of permaculture advocates creating a more sustainable way of living, using an ecologically harmonious system that can be adopted by anyone. John uses the landscape as well, growing a forest garden, mimicking the structure of natural woodland by planting productive plants in layers. Starting with canopy trees, including nut and fruit trees, to provide shelter, then underplanting with coppiced smaller trees such as hazel and lime (Tilia euchlora).

The system offers a highly productive, biologically sustainable, low-maintenance option that we can all adapt small scale for our own plots. It’s the most stable type of ecosystem for this climate. I’m planning a walnut, underplanted with hazel for nuts and sticks, then currants, then herbs, then bramble ground cover, interwoven with climbing vines and actinidia.

Most of John and Stephanie’s day is spent outside looking after their hens and pigs, working their no-dig garden and orchard, improving insulation, marshalling water butts and managing their pond sewage system. They also give courses promoting their way of life and rent out half of their cottage to visitors.

This year John and Stephanie are offering weekends in a self-contained cottage with home-grown food, combined with tuition – taking your own plot as a template – using permaculture and forest gardening techniques.

Sustainable gardening tips

1 Use peat-free compost, available now from most garden centres. Make your own compost, adding scrunched and shredded paper and cardboard.

2 Plant bee and butterfly-friendly plants. They prefer single-flowered forms of native plants. Even the most basic herb garden will encourage insects to your garden.

3 The best form of pest control is the gardener’s shadow — spotting problems before they get out of control. Encourage natural predators and get others from www.greengardener.co.uk. Sow flower seed among your vegetables.

4 Don’t garden too tidily. Leave plants till spring, providing habitats for overwintering wildlife. Leave patches of nettles, weeds and wildflowers. Mow less and let areas of grass grow long with mown paths through for access.

5 Save seed. Start with easy ones like runner beans and sunflowers. Buy non F1 seed from www.realseeds.co.uk and look out for seed and plant swaps.

6 Re-use and recycle resources. Use hazel and willow as plant supports, old bricks for paths, buckets as containers. Garden with nature rather than against.


728x90
저작자표시 비영리 변경금지

'곳간 > 해외자료' 카테고리의 다른 글

중국은 물 위기를 어떻게 처리할 것인가  (0) 2011.05.06
골드만 삭스가 어떻게 식량위기를 만들었나  (0) 2011.04.29
부르키나파소의 전통적인 덮기 방법  (0) 2011.04.21
불지르지 않기의 평가와 유기거름 주기 실천  (0) 2011.04.21
일본의 성공적인 국가문화유산 보존  (0) 2011.04.21
728x90

ILEIA Newsletter • 14 nº 2-3 • September 1998


부르키나파소의 전통적인 덮기(mulching) 방법 -Fidèle G. Hien


도입

부르키나파소 전체, 특히 중앙 고원지대에서 1990년대 이전 시행된 지도 프로그램은 농경-목축 체계의 강화하기 위한 투자는 효과적으로 실제 수요를 충족시키지 못하는 것으로 입증되었다. 그러나 지도사업으로 제안된 방법과 결합된 물과 흙의 관리를 위한 전통 기술과 방법은 때때로 연구자와 지도자들의 관심을 끄는 놀라운 결과를 올렸다. 부르키나파소의 Centre Nord에서 전통적인 덮기는 이러한 방법의 하나다. 심각한 가뭄이 들었던 1974~1985년 이후 전통적인 덮기의 사용이 놀랄 만큼 증가했다. 밭에서 물을 보존하기 위한 전통적인 기술로 처음 사용된 덮기는 침식 방지와 토양 관리 기술과 통합되면서 점진적으로 향상되었다. 오늘날 그 방법은 그 지역에서 물과 토질을 관리하는 효과적인 방법으로 인식된다. 
전통적인 덮기는 최근 양적, 질적 연구의 목적이 되고 있다. 이 연구들은 덮기의 효과를 개발만이 아니라 농업생태학적, 사회경제적 측면에서 더 잘 평가할 수 있도록 만들었다. 이번 사례 연구는 이러한 연구 노력의 가장 중요한 결과에 대한 요약을 제공한다. 그들은 부르키나파소의 이 부분에 사는 농민들의 동기를 분명하게 할 뿐만 아니라, 최저생활이란 기본적 목표 너머로 나아갈 능력을 보여주는 실행방안의 지속가능성과 개발 상태에 대한 논의를 불붙인다.


Centre Nord의 농업

덮기가 개발된 Centre Nord는 Mossi 고원의 일부이다. 덮기는 현재 그 지방의 대부분, 특히 Sanmatenga, Namentenga, Bam, Passoré에서 실행되고 있다. 1985년에서 1996년 사이 인구는 35%까지 증가했다. 그때 평균 인구밀도는 예를 들어 1평방킬로미터에 52명이었다. Centre Nord는 고도 300m의 평지이다. 강우량은 500~800mm이다. 토양의 대부분은 철분을 함유하고, 겉이 딱딱하고 얕다(47%). 깊고 무거운 흙(16%)은 가장 좋은 농업잠재력을 지닌다. 평균적으로 단 토지의 43.5%만 경작할 수 있다. 1990년 농사에 알맞은 땅의 24%는 매우 저하되었다(BUNASOLS-MAE 1990). 자연식생은 지나친 방목과 땔감 채취를 위한 착취로 심각하게 저하되었다.


Mossi 고원은 토지의 개발 수준이 수용력 이상으로 진행되고 생산 체계는 악화의 소용돌이에 빠진 지역으로 간주되었다(Kessler and Boni 1991; Zoungrana and Zoungrana 1992; Hoek vd et al 1993; Hien 1995). 휴한기는 매우 짧아지고 영양분이 격감했다. 유기물(1년 1헥타르에 -1.37톤)과 영양분이 비극적인 상태였다: 질소(1년 1헥타르에 -15~-20kg)와 인(1년 1헥타르에 - 2kg).

Centre Nord에선 두 생산 체계가 발견되었다: Mossi족의 농경-목축 체계와 Peulh족의 목축 체계. 열화로 인하여 두 체계는 점점 계곡의 비옥한 땅을 두고 경쟁하게 되었다. Barning과 Dambré(1994)에 따르면, 농민의 사회경제적 상황은 꽤 약하다: 농민의 43%는 최저생계를 유지하며, 그들은 가난하고 농업에 투자할 길이 없다. 농민의 단 19%만이 부유하고 작물이나 가축 생산에 투자할 여유가 있다고 간주될 수 있을 뿐이다. 평균적으로 곡물 생산 상태는 수입 상태(1년에 -3000 F.CFA)와 마찬가지로 마이너스(1년 1인당 -49kg)이다. 가축 생산에 대한 투자는 가장 좋은 결과를 주고 덜 위험하다.


덮기: 기원과 발전

According to the farmers of Tagalla, Sanmatenga province, mulching is an old technique used to improve soil conditions. Today, it has spread over large parts of the central plateau. Its reappearance was particularly striking after 1974 and more so after 1984, times of severe drought in the Sahel.

Mulching consists of spreading the plots to be cultivated with 6000 kilogram per hectare of straw from Loudetia togoensis, an annual herb typical of the superficial soils of the Sudano-Sahel region (Lafay andt Ranson 1995) at the end of the dry season. After it has flowered, the straw of Loudetia togoensis can be collected freely from fallow land. It is not a very appetising plant and provides poor forage. This straw, together with household refuse, chaff and dung are the inputs traditionally used by the farmers of the Centre Nord. Dung is the most preferred source of organic matter. Chemical inputs are generally too expensive to be used for cereals, the subsistence crop. Mulching seems to be the simplest solution and the one most within the reach of the farmers of the region who want to improve their soils (Slingerland and Masdewel 1996). Sowing takes place one or two days after the first major rains and there is no tillage before planting. There are three successive weedings in order to incorporate and ensure that the straw is well decomposed before the end of the growing season.

The decision-making criteria used by farmers as to whether mulch should be applied take three factors into consideration: soil type, the type of crop, and the field type. Lafay and Ranson (1995) point out that mulching takes place primarily on so-called "hot" soils. During the 1994 season in the village of Tagalla, mulch was applied in a 100 percent of cases to rehabilitate the denuded and crusted soils known as Zippellé in the traditional classification of land (Schutjes 1991). on shallow and gravel soils, the Zegedega soils, mulch was applied to 44 percent of farmland. Clay-loam or sandy-clay soils found on slopes, and known as Bolé, were mulched in 37 percent of cases. The so-called "cold" soils - sandy soils or Bissiga and heavy soils of the lower areas known as Baongo - are generally less involved and formed respectively 28 percent and 8 percent of the mulched fields in 1994. on these soils the straw is generally burned two days after sowing in order to prevent weeds. For the farmer, mulching aims above all to preserve the humidity of the soil for the benefit of the seeds and this is more important than the fertilising effect of mulch on the soil. This explains why the straw is burnt two days after sowing on the so-called "cold" soils where water storage capacity is the highest (Lafay and Ranson, 1994, Hien et al 1997).

Sorghum is the crop most often associated with mulching whereas millet is considered to be better adapted to drought conditions. Maize is much more demanding of water and nutrients and, as far as this region is concerned, has become a marginal crop only planted in fields that receive more dung and household refuse.

Fields nearest to the house (champs de case) receive priority as far as household refuse (38 percent of production in Tagalla in 1994) and cow dung with or without mixed straw (31 percent) is concerned. The fields situated in the proximity of the village (champs de village) are the most mulched (50 percent of the household of Tagalla in 1994), followed by the fields nearest to the house. When cow dung is in short supply to fertilise these fields, straw and other inputs are used to complement it. The fields in the bush (champs de brousse) that are farthest away from the house receive the least input. In 1994, 53 percent of bush fields in Tagalla received no inputs at all.

Lafay and Ranson (op cit.) have observed that, in Tagalla, the popularity of stone lines as an anti- erosion measure have been accompanied by an increase in mulching. Barning and Dambré (1994) noted that in the province of Sanmatenga in general the practice of mulching decreases when the level of animal traction used by farmers increases. Ploughing before planting is never accompanied by mulching.


확대: 이유와 한계

The analysis of the ecological and socio-economic conditions of agriculture in the Centre Nord reveals why the practice of mulching has spread. Faced with a pressing shortage of land and a growing population, even the poorest pieces of land have had to be brought into cultivation. This has meant that farmers have had to intensify their efforts. Mulching in this region, as well as the practice of Zaï in the northwest of Burkina, are ｅxpressions of this imperative.

According to Lafay and Ranson (op cit.), farmers in the central northern region attribute the increase in mulching to two essential factors. First, they have less fertile land to feed more people and second rainfall has decreased over the past 30 years. Rainfall has become more erratic and when it does fall it is often violent and stormy. In the province of Sanmatenga, annual rainfall decreased between 1960-1978 and 1979-1988, varying from 41 millimetres in the south of the province to 210 millimetres in the north (Hoek vd et al 1993). At the same time maximum intensity during a 30 minute interval can reach 108 millimetres per hour (Hien 1995). The number of days of rain has decreased and as a result the season is shorter.

Lafay and Ranson reported that from 1984, some agriculture extensionists began to advise mulching in the technical package presented to farmers. For this reason many farmers began mulching when they saw that their neighbours who practised this method were getting better results. These types of examples have played a very important role ensuring the spread of mulching.

There are two limitations to the development of mulching. First, the lack of straw and second the lack of means and time available to farmers. The straw of Loudetia togoensis is mainly harvested on more gravelly, shallow soils (Zagedega) that are generally considered impossible to cultivate. These non-cultivatable soils represent about 56.5 percent of the total area of Sanmatenga province, varying from 80 percent in the districts of the north to 26 percent in those in the extreme south (Hoek vd et al 1993). Moreover, much of this non-cultivatable land is extremely degraded. Like elsewhere in the Sahel, primary production on these soils is closely linked to rainfall patterns (Penning de Vries and Djitèye 1982; Breman and de Ridder 1991). At flowering the straw production varies from between 2500 and 4500 kilograms of dry material per hectare according to the season and the quality of the soils. An average of 6000 kilograms of straw has to be spread at the end of the dry season. The loss of biomass during this period is estimated to be about 25 percent of the plant at flowering stage. This means that the straw of two to four hectares of bush - according to the season - has to be harvested in order to meet the mulching needs of a one hectare field. This is why the bush has not been burnt for the last 10 years.

Transporting the straw is the second constraint facing the farmer. The straw is generally transported by foot from the bush to the fields and is mainly carried by men. The quantities transported vary from 10 to 15 kilograms per person and per trip (Lafay and Ranson op cit.). Depending on the distance from where the straw is gathered, to the field, and the number of active persons in the household and their carrying capacity, the farmer will need between 80 and 200 working hours to collect the amount of straw necessary to mulch one hectare of land. Thus, mulching takes the farmer about a month’s work before sowing begins. This is why bicycles can often be profitably used. However, the most practical means of transport is an animal-drawn cart but it is expensive. Since the devaluation of the local currency in 1994, transport costs are about F.CFA 200,000. This figure must be compared to F.CFA 55,000, the estimated annual average household income (Barning and Dambré 1994).


덮기의 생태적 영향

For the farmers of the Centre Nord, mulching increases the production of sorghum. The work of Lafay and Ranson (1994) and Slingerland and Masdewel (1996) sheds some light on the socio-economic aspects of the technique. Research conducted after 1996 has focused on the ecological performance of mulching practices (Hien et al 1997 and 1998). Experiments carried out at farm level in Tagalla village have made it possible to compare the effects of four treatments that combined mulching, stable dung and natural phosphate on the hydrodynamic parameters of the soil, the sorghum production, and nutrient flows and balances. The goal of these experiments was to come to a better understanding of the processes that determine increases in sorghum production and to make it possible to evaluate the sustainability of the system in terms of nutrients. During the cropping season of 1996 with 623 millimetres of rainfall - nearly a normal pattern - three treatments with six repetitions were compared using non-mulched plots as a control:

• simple mulching (6000 kilograms DM ha-1) with the dry leaves of Loudetia togoensis: refered to here as Pa
• mulching (6000 kilograms DM ha-1) + 2000 kilograms. ha-1 of dung or PF
• mulching (6000 kilograms DM ha-1) + 200 kilograms. ha-1 of "Burkina Phosphate" (natural phosphate ) or PP

After the straw had been spread following normal local farming practice, evaporation was measured over a period of ten days from the time that a local variety of white sorghum was sown. Measuring rainfall and run-off made it possible to calculate the infiltration levels and the run-off thresholds (Hien 1995; Hien et al 1997). At the same time, the germination and seedling settlement of the plants were monitored and the yield levels of grain and straw were measured at harvest time. The total reserves of nitrogen (N), phosphorous (P) and potassium (K) in the first 0–30 centimetres of soil have also been assessed. The absorption of N, P, and K by the plants during the growing season was monitored every two weeks from the fortieth day after planting up to the flowering stage. Thus, it was possible to measure the changes of N (Nb), P (Pb) and K (Kb) in the sorghum biomass above the ground. At the same, the straw and dung have been analysed and finally, on the basis of data related to nutrient flows in the agricultural systems of Burkina’s central plateau (Piéri 1989; Lompo 1993) and of the Sahel in general (Penning de Vries and Djitèye 1982), an evaluation of the N and P balances was made. The results of this work can be summarised as follows:

• Mulching significantly improves the hydrodynamic conditions of the soil
As far as water flows are concerned, mulching secured 64 percent reduction in water losses and, in comparison to the control plots, infiltration into the soils has improved 4 to 7 times. Evaporation was reduced by 30 percent on mulched plots.

• Mulching improves crop development conditions and crop yields.  
Statistical analysis of the results shows that mulching significantly improves the period of germination. It reduces primary mortality (after germination) of sorghum and positively influences the production of grains and straw. For straw production, the difference was highly significant (p<1 percent) between the control T (480 kilogram DM ha-1) and the treatments with straw: Pa (2265 kilogram DM ha-1), PF (2729 kilogram DM ha-1) and on the hand was also significant (p<5 percent) between the control T and the treatment PP (1836 kilogram DM ha-1). The treatments with straw when compared to each other did not show any significant difference. As far as the grain yield is concerned, the analysis also showed that the treatment control T (140 kilogram ha-1 on average) revealed a highly significant difference when compared to the treatment Pa (774 kilogram ha-1), PF (1064 kilogram ha-1) and PP (687 kilogram ha-1). The treatments PF and PP showed a difference at the 5.7 percent level while there was no significant difference between PF and Pa.

• From the point of view of mineral balance mulching has some risks
The N and P balances have been calculated on the basis of the principal that, within the local agricultural system, all the crop residues at harvest are exported. This implies that the calculated immobility corresponds to the mineral exports. The balances of N and P at the end of the 1996 rainy season are given in the following table:


Despite the fact that important quantities of straw are involved, the mineral input linked to mulching with Loudetia togoensis hay is extremely weak. This is because of the bad quality of the straw at the end of the dry season. The level of N in the straw at that time is less than 0.23 percent. on the other hand, the organic input associated with this practice is very important (5600 kilogram ha-1 of organic matter). Simple mulching (Pa) revealed a relative phosphorous shortage in the soils. The input of dung or "Burkina Phosphate" has made it possible to mitigate this shortage which resulted into a better P/N balance (Van Duivenbooden 1996): the P/N ratio at flowering stage was 0.1. Indeed, the input of dung has considerably improved the availability of nitrogen. Equally, the input of 200 kilogram ha-1 of "Burkina Phosphate" stimulated the absorption of P. The greater availability of this element has improved the uptake of N with the result that the N balance has become negative.

In general, the calculated P balance confirms the observation (Lompo 1993) that the P input, whatever its source, improves the P balance. This is especially the case when the P source is less soluble (as with " Burkina Phosphate" in our case). These data also confirm the conclusion that mulching, applied alone, primarily aims to improve the bio-physical condition of the so-called ‘hot’ soils in order to improve germination and seed establishment (Lafay and Ranson 1995; Slingerland and Masdewel 1996; Hien et al 1997).

As far as the mineral balance is concerned, two treatments would, in the long term, imply a risk of soil mining. Simple mulching (Pa) that only improves the availability of water would mine the soils of N and P, and the treatment straw and natural phosphate (PP) might mine nitrogen reserves more rapidly because of an increased input of phosphorous. The combination of mulching and dung (PF) show the best sustainability characteristics at plot level.

The weak yield levels observed in the control plots, as well as the higher levels of nitrogen and phosphorus in the sorghum biomass at the flowering stage indicate quite clearly that, without mulching, production is primarily limited by water. Thus, it is logical that the simultaneous improvement of soil water conditions and N and P availability (treatment PF) has given the best results.


덮기의 사회경제적 이익과 한계

Mulching appears to be a common practice amongst Mossi farmers (Barning and Dambré, 1994; Lafay and Ranson, 1995), because there is little dung available within their households. Peuhl herders who have access to cattle and dung, only mulch very rarely. In order to get an adequate supply of cow dung, Mossi farmers sometimes enter into "cow dung contracts " with the Peuhls. The Peuhl are paid in kind or in natura and they leave their cattle overnight on Mossi fields for part of the dry season.


With and without mulching the difference is clear
Amongst the Mossi, mulching is also the only way women can improve the yields they get from their fields. Women’s fields are generally situated on less fertile soils. Lafay and Ranson have observed that women’s fields are more frequently mulched than those of the men. Women do not own land themselves and often they have to change fields because their husbands have new cultivation plans. In addition, apart from a few rare exceptions where women possess cattle themselves, the dung comes from the family stable and is primarily intended for the family field.

Compared to the average yield levels in the region which are about 450 kilogram ha-1 on top soils (DEP-MAE, 1988 and 1989 cited by Hoek vd et al 1993), mulching alone would, in a normal rainfall year, allow an increase in sorghum yield of about 50 to 75 percent on this type of soil. When this is also combined with dung (2000 kilogram ha-1) the yield levels realised in Tagalla are at least two times better than the regional average. As far as the financial balance of the households is concerned, evaluation shows that even with a doubling of yield levels, the time dedicated to the transport of straw (about 180 hours of work per hectare) does not constitute an improvement in financial terms. only the transport of straw by animal-drawn carts would result in a ten-fold reduction in the number of hours worked. This would contribute to an improvement or maybe even bring the financial balance of the households into equilibrium.


결론과 논의

Farmers quite clearly see the agro-ecological advantages and limitations of the mulching systems as they confirmed that mulching by itself is the most effective when rainfall is inadequate (Hien et al 1998). In conditions of drought dung when used alone would cause growing difficulties because of water stress and would result in lower biomass and grain production. By contrast, when there is good or normal rainfall, mulching alone would result in an important growth of the biomass but grain yield levels are lower. In other words as Barning and Dambré (1994) and Lafay and Ranson (1995) have shown, farmers prefer dung to simple mulching in normal rainfall conditions. They know that the straw does not add significantly to soil nutrients but does improve humidity. Mulching appears to be the only solution when it comes to improving sorghum yields in situations where dung is not available in sufficient quantity and where chemical fertilisers are too expensive.

The work of Hien et al (1997 and 1998) show that for farm households it is at least possible to achieve a positive mineral balance by combining mulching and dung application. The N and P balances obtained by combining 6000 kilogram ha-1 of straw and 2000 kilogram ha-1 of dung show that it is possible, at least at a certain level, to achieve sustainable agriculture based on low levels of external inputs. Dung in this context is the most limiting input. Simulation shows that, by combining it with mulching, it becomes possible to reduce the input of dung by half to 1000 kilogram ha-1 without compromising the N and P balances and still increase the content of organic matter in the soil.

At the village level, however, improving the sustainability of the system necessarily involves a combination of various measures that would allow an increase in the availability of both straw and dung. Hoek vd et al (1993) has shown that the need for organic matter or compost to maintain the fertility of cultivated soils in Sanmatenga is 2.7 tons per hectare per year. Even if there were a complete, 100 percent, stablisation of cattle and other livestock in the province, this would only provide enough dung for 25 percent of the land being cultivated. At the same time Hoek vd et al (1993) have observed that, in financial terms, the expenditure required for composting would largely exceed the income it produced. By reducing dung input by half in a system that combines mulching and dung, the availability of dung could be increased. However, it is likely that the absence of investments aiming at the conservation and rehabilitation of sylvo-pastoral lands will contribute to a decrease of fallow land, as compared to total cultivated land needed to maintain the organic and mineral equilibrium of the production system. This lack of investment favours the accelerated degradation of sylvo-pastoral land (Hien 1995) and reduces the level of straw production. Finally, the stabling of cattle and other livestock - a pratice that has been pursued for the last ten years in a number of villages in Sanmatenga - assumes that the production of dung at household level can be doubled and that, at the same time, the regeneration of non-cultivated land is helped by reducing animal pressure on it. There are not many choices available in situations like those found in the Centre Nord.

Translated from the French by Bert Lof and Carmen Rodriguez.


728x90
저작자표시 비영리 변경금지

'곳간 > 해외자료' 카테고리의 다른 글

골드만 삭스가 어떻게 식량위기를 만들었나  (0) 2011.04.29
땅으로 돌아가다  (0) 2011.04.29
불지르지 않기의 평가와 유기거름 주기 실천  (0) 2011.04.21
일본의 성공적인 국가문화유산 보존  (0) 2011.04.21
전통적인 농민단체의 지속가능한 농업을 지원하기  (0) 2011.04.21
728x90

Farmers researchers and extension agents in northern Ghana regard low soil fertility as a major constraint to crop production. Widespread dry season burning was traditionally practiced to clear vegetation. This article compares the benefits of non-burning and applying organic manure. Many advantages of non-burning are mentioned, including higher yields. More action is needed to raise awareness of this and other benefits.

LEISA Magazine • 15 nº 1/2 • September 1999

Assessment of non-burning and organic-manuring practices


photo: Bert Lof
Farmers, researchers and extension agents in northern Ghana regard low soil fertility as a major constraint to crop production. Increasing human population has led to the shortening of bush fallowing, a traditional method to replenish soil nutrients. Application of inorganic fertiliser to restore fertility has become nonprofitable, as prices are beyond the reach of smallholders. They are therefore being encouraged to intensify their farming through intercropping, crop rotation, agroforestry, soil and water conservation, and organic manuring. Traditionally, widespread dry-season burning of vegetation was practised. Burning as a labour-saving tool to clear land and prevent weed infestation is now being brought into question, because more organic matter is needed in the soil. Many development agencies now advocate non-burning.

Assessment methods

Case studies of non-burning at Goziire (Upper West Region) and of non-burning and organic manuring at Zagsilaari (Northern Region) had suggested that these practices support sustainable agriculture by improving soil fertility and conserving soil and water (Kombiok, et al 1997). Existing experiences in sustainable agriculture can serve as examples for other communities in the same agro-ecological zone. However, other farmers are more likely to be convinced and to try these practices if they had more information on inputs and yields. A follow-up study was therefore designed to quantify the inputs and outputs of non-burning and organic-manuring practices, and to assess the benefits of these practices from the farmers’ point of view.

The follow-up study was conducted in the 1998 cropping season (June- November) at the case-study sites chosen with extension agents from MOFA and some NG0s. At each site, four farmers - two who practise non-burning and/or organic manuring, and two who do not but were interested in the study - were selected.

In each farm, four 10x10m plots of various crops were demarcated randomly. Data were collected on labour inputs, plant height and population, and crop yields. During farmers’ fora at the end of the cropping season, the communities assessed the advantages, disadvantages and problems associated with the practices. Participatory Rural Appraisal techniques were used to encourage them to discuss the issues and socioeconomic implications freely and to give their opinions.

Increased grain yields

At Goziire, sorghum was taller after threeyear fallow than in the non-burnt plots. Millet in the non-burnt plots with farmyard manure was twice as tall as in the burnt plots with manure or without. Sorghum yields ranged from 1.1 to 1.4 t/ha and were higher after non-burnt fallow than after non-burnt continuous cropping, even with FYM. Yields of millet were lower (1.1-1.2 t/ha) than those of sorghum with the same treatment, and were as low as 0.48 t/ha even with FYM in the regularly burnt area.



At Zagsilaari, maize yields in the nonburnt plots were more than double those in the burnt plots. Sorghum yields in non-burnt plots were double those in the burnt plots (Table 1) and the sorghum heads were longer (45 vs. 34cm) and heavier (1650 vs. 1500 g).

The number of years an area is not burnt also affects crop yields. At Zagsilaari, plots not burnt for six years had higher yields than those not burnt for three years. This may be due to the longer accumulation of organic matter and the greater amount of soil nutrients for crop uptake.

More labour for weeding

Data on labour for land preparation, planting, weeding and applying manure/fertiliser were collected at Zagsilaari. All the farmers used bullock ploughs to prepare their land, but only David Agongo owns a pair of bullocks and a plough. The others hired bullock services, paying twenty thousand cedis per acre. Labour inputs for land preparation did not differ between practices, but more labour was needed to weed the non-burnt plots than those that had been burnt regularly (Table 2).

Farmers’ fora

The farmers’ fora were open to both men and women, but only about 20% of the participants were women. At both sites, the farmers agreed that non-burning and organic manuring bring tremendous benefits.

Communities develop strategic burning 
In recent years, the awareness-raising campaigns about non-burning have led to heated discussions in communities in northern Ghana. Burning of grass on fallow and bushland has several advantages: it removes heavy vegetation and reduces labour inputs to bring fallowed land back into cultivation, it reduces the incidence of weeds and pests in cropland, it prevents bush encroachment on grazing areas, it gets rid of low-quality over-mature grass and makes way for fresh regrowth of grass nutritious for livestock, it stimulates the germination of certain tree species, and it reduces the risk of devastating uncontrolled flash fires that can destroy crops and homes. on the other hand, farmers are aware that burning also destroys vegetative biomass that could be used to improve soil quality.

Through their observations and discussions, some communities are now developing a more differentiated view of fire: it is a question not of burning or non-burning but rather of when, where and how burning is practised. Burning at the right time of year, under strict control, can achieve the positive effects and reduce the negative impact of this practice. These communities have drawn up by-laws that stipulate when and where burning is allowed, and have strict social controls to ensure that burning outside these limits is punished. There is still room for action research by communities to determine the best ways to employ burning as a valuable tool when used strategically and with caution.

Source: Discussion during ILEIA research workshop, March 1999.

Advantages of non-burning at Goziire mentioned by the farmers were: 
• regrowth of natural vegetation, especially grasses and trees for grazing and construction 
• better establishment of wood lot plantations and improved yields of shea and dawadawa (Parkia biglobosa) trees 
• good conservation of soil and water, thus reducing erosion, improving crop germination and increasing crop yields 
• retention of livestock in village because forage is available during the dry season.

Benefits of non-burning and organic manuring mentioned by Zagsilaari farmers were: 
• improvement of soil fertility 
• reduction in soil erosion 
• increased crop yields and self-sufficiency in food for families 
• use of less land, allowing sedentary agriculture.

Disadvantages in non-burning were: 
• fewer dead trees for woman to collect as firewood 
• inaccessibility, with limited mobility and visibility; bushes become hideouts for thieves 
• proliferation of pests such as rodents and insects which destroy crops.

Successful fire control

Conservation of natural vegetation and the protection of other plant material can provide the organic matter needed to enhance soil fertility. This can be achieved by reducing the frequency and extent of burning.


The success story of Goziire in this respect was a result of awareness creation that led the local people to mobilise themselves into a volunteer group to control fire. The community instituted locally endorsed by-laws. Culprits are sanctioned and must pay fines. The community also has the support of the Paramount Chief of Nandom to enforce the by-laws. The heightened awareness spread to surrounding villages, which have now also adopted non-burning.

More action needed

Farmers are seeking improved crop yields with low levels of external inputs. The study has shown that yields are higher where non-burning and organic manuring are practised. The sustainability of soil fertility depends on the availability of organic matter and this is possible only if crop residues and bush vegetation, the major sources of organic matter, are not burnt. We therefore recommend that:

• More education be given by environmental NG0s, government organisations, MOFA and District Assemblies to enhance awareness of the implications of bush burning. 
• Traditional rulers, in consultation with their communities, institute bush fire bye-laws endorsed by the District Assemblies. 
• Non-burning and organic-manuring practices be incorporated into school curricula. 
• Fire-fighting volunteers be trained and supported by the Ghana National Fire Service and the District Assemblies. 
• Communities be organised into groups to facilitate the training and adoption of non-burning and organic manuring. 
• Workshops, seminars, video shows, and field visits be part of the educational programmes 
• Farmers be encouraged to adopt technologies such as oversowing, cover cropping, improved fallow and agroforestry as complementary measures to increase organic matter.

Long-term monitoring of non-burning and organic-manuring practices would allow the quantification of their short- and longterm impact on agricultural production and environmental quality. Comparisons should be made on the basis of simple economic analyses.

- Oscar Aalangdon, University of Development Studies, PO Box 1350, Tamale, GHANA 
- James Kombiok, Savanna Agricultural Research Institute, PO Box 52, Nyankpala, Tamale, Northern Region, GHANA
- R.Z. Salifu, c./o Ministry of Food and Agriculture (Mofa), PO Box 21, Wa, UWR, GHANA

References 
- Anon. 1994. Savanna Agricultural Research Institute (SARI) Annual Report.  
- Kombiok, J.M., Aalangdong O.I. & Salifu, A.Z. 1997. Case study on non-burning and organic farming practices in northern Ghana. Report to ILEIA/NGLWG.


728x90
저작자표시 비영리 변경금지

'곳간 > 해외자료' 카테고리의 다른 글

땅으로 돌아가다  (0) 2011.04.29
부르키나파소의 전통적인 덮기 방법  (0) 2011.04.21
일본의 성공적인 국가문화유산 보존  (0) 2011.04.21
전통적인 농민단체의 지속가능한 농업을 지원하기  (0) 2011.04.21
땅을 변형시키기  (0) 2011.04.21
728x90

Rice in Japan has traditionally been grown on terraces built into volcanic slopes. With Green Revolution technology, however, rice fields in the plains became so productive that the terraced systems were threatened. When the Japanese people realised they were losing a valuable natural and cultural resource, farmers gained the support of the local and national governments in joint efforts to preserve the rice terraces as their spiritual home.


LEISA Magazine • 25.1 • March 2009




The curved lines of the earth and the water in rice terraces are ideal material for sketching. This group of artists enjoys the view in Hata, Takashima city, Shiga prefecture.
Photo: Eisuke Imai

 

Kazumi Yamaoka

 

Rice in Japan has traditionally been grown on terraces built into volcanic slopes. With Green Revolution technology, however, rice fields in the plains became so productive that the terraced systems were threatened. When the Japanese people realised they were losing a valuable natural and cultural resource, farmers gained the support of the local and national governments in joint efforts to preserve the rice terraces as their spiritual home.

People compare the grandeur and beauty of the rice terraces in Japan to the pyramids in Egypt. Rice terraces, however, are alive with farmers, crops, cultures, and rituals which are handed over and evolving from generation to generation. They are not simply a tourist attraction or a device for producing rice. Rice terraces make people aware of their relationships with their ancestors, families, colleagues and nature.

Terraced rice cultivation in Japan, however, has been under threat. The decline started in the late 1960s. At that time, there was a surplus of rice in Japan, which resulted in a policy to set aside paddy fields. The relatively high cost of production associated with rice terraces made this type of farming difficult. As a result, the next generation of terrace farmers left for the cities. Surveys in 1993 and 2005 revealed that the area under rice terraces had gone down from 220 to 138 thousand hectares during that period. In 2007, the average age of the 3.12 million people active in agriculture in Japan was 64 years. The average age of people working in rice terraces was estimated as even older!

Since the 1960s, the rural landscape has completely changed. Larger and squarer fields have been formed from joining together smaller paddy fields in the plains. These larger areas can easily be equipped with modern canals and farm roads for farm machinery.

Rice terraces, on the other hand, have been left behind in this wave of development. Their lower productivity has never improved. However, the rapid change seen in rural landscapes has increased the value of the rice terraces as unique scenery and examples of rural atmosphere. In mountainous areas, terraced paddy fields form beautiful curves, reminding Japanese people of their tradition. Rice terraces are also places for experimental education in food, life and environment. Abandoning the terraces would have serious consequences, because of their water and biodiversity functions. They are "products" that are not for sale, but are yet consumed publicly. In 2001, the Science Council of Japan estimated annual values of arable farming in Japan at 3499 billion yen (US$ 39 billion) as flood damage relief and 2376 billion yen (US$ 26 billion) for their recreational and relaxing functions.

Support from all walks of life

A development project was planned for the Shiro-yone sen-maida rice terraces, near the city of Wajima, on the Noto peninsula facing the Japan Sea, in 1970. However, instead of going ahead with the project, the local government decided to pay out subsidies to support farming in rice terraces for prolonged periods. The rice terraces were then designated as a place of scenic beauty under the Cultural Properties Protection Law in 2001. It covers an area of 1.81 ha and consists of 1004 paddy plots. The plots have an average size of less than 20m2, meaning that all work must be done by hand. Local governments appreciate the conventional rice farming and its scenic beauty as a significant resource for tourism.

Public support for preservation of rice terraces has increased since the mid-1990s. Some urban people have launched programmes, like community supported agriculture, with annual contracts to lease rice terraces. Municipalities, for example, established the National Rice Terraces Liaison Council. This Council organised the 14th National Rice Terrace Summit Meeting in 2008, close to Nagasaki city. More than 2000 politicians, farmers and members of the general public attended the event, which was covered by the media. At the same time, committed individuals organised a "Tanada network" that supports preserving the rice terraces (see Box). Activities include schools in rice terraces for learning about farming hands-on, provision of information through websites and bulletins, and promoting collaborative programmes with private companies and rice terrace farmers, to develop public opinion and values. In 1999, the "Rice Terraces Research Association" was established to promote research into rice terraces. It has members from all walks of life like researchers and artists, but also administrative officials, farmers, office workers, housewives, photographers and retirees. It organises national and international field trips (such as to Bali in Indonesia, Yunnan in China and Nanhe in Korea), and surveys rice terraces as required.

Rice terraces in the Japanese landscape
Japan is an island country, with a population of 127 million. It was formed by hundreds of volcanoes, of which 108 are still active. Topography is steep, and rainwater quickly runs out through narrow rivers into the sea. People in Japan traditionally eat rice and sea foods. Through history, the Japanese people have built and developed rice terraces in the steep volcanic landscape. The sulphur in volcanic ash makes soil acid, which is harmful to many crops, but with irrigation it makes rice grow well.

Paddy rice cultivation started on the continent - now China - some 7000 years ago, and was introduced to Japan about 2500 years ago. Rice terraces are referred to as tanada in Japanese. The word tanada originates in a land register recorded in 1338. It came about as the result of investigating the area and the yield of its rice paddy fields. Up to this day, rice terraces are a unique natural feature, a complex mix of human activities, society and the natural environment, and are seen as the peoples' spiritual home. Water in paddy fields and the irrigation and drainage system serves as a network of wetlands and waterways that represent a human-made natural environment with a rich flora and fauna. Birds such as cranes, egrets and white storks prey on aquatic bugs, frogs and fish. Furthermore, the network also recharges groundwater, reduces peak flood flows, and provides recreational areas, all important for downstream cities.

National and local policy development

In 1992, the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries established a policy referring to the multi-functionality of agriculture for the first time. In 1993, 1997 and 1998, it approved projects to preserve soil and water, and for restoring abandoned arable lands for the different functions of rice terraces. 1998 was the first time the word tanada was mentioned in the national budget, and about US$ 600 million was appointed for a three-year project period. These projects supported farmers in restoring abandoned paddy plots. A land owners' system was also introduced, for citizens who want to enjoy farming there, for instance in the city of Chikuma in Nagano prefecture.

In 1999, a new "Food, Agriculture and Rural Village Basic Law" was enacted, with four pillars: to ensure stable food supply, present the multifunctional roles of agriculture, establish sustainable development of agriculture, and promote rural villages. The old basic law aimed at reducing income gaps between agriculture and other industries; the new one aims to improve people's life and sound development of national economy. In 2000, the government launched a "Mountainous and Intermediate Areas Direct Payment System". In this system, farmers make a community agreement and engage in collective actions. These actions can be aimed at preventing the abandonment of arable lands, promoting multifunctional agriculture, or collaborating with schools and encouraging community action. By 2007, farmers cultivating almost 700 thousand hectares of farmland in over a thousand municipalities were participating in this system.

In 1999, the Minister of Agriculture authorised a project entitled "The best rice terrace areas in Japan", approving 134 terraced areas as ones with scenic beauty and sustainable, multi-functional agriculture. This did not involve subsidies, but the areas received merits as valuable sightseeing spots and places for producing good quality rice. Local people became proud of their home village, and established many organisations for preserving rice terraces. In 1999, the Cultural Properties Protection Law allowed the designation of Obasute in Koshoku city as the first agricultural place of scenic beauty; others followed. The Agency for Cultural Affairs established a system of appointing areas for cultural scenery preservation in 2004. This allowed for the Scenery Law to regulate land use and economic activities so as to preserve scenery in rice terraces based on the agreement of local dwellers and municipalities.

The survival of the rice terraces in Japan and other Asian monsoon regions will enable people to taste the advantages of the slow life, and to realise the value of what they have inherited from their ancestors. Such places may have a lesser economic role in modern society; but they have a cultural and natural role far beyond the grains that they produce.
 
 

Kazumi Yamaoka. Visiting Associate Professor, Department of Biological and Environmental Engineering, Graduate School of Agricultural and Life Sciences, The University of Tokyo, Japan. E-mail: ayamaoka@mail.ecc.u-tokyo.ac.jp

References 
-Yamaoka, K., 2005. Multifunctionality of paddy field irrigation for a basin scale water cycle and bio-diversity in Japan. Proceedings of the International Workshop on Multiple Roles and Diversity of Irrigation Water, Beijing, China on 14 September 2005, International Commission on Irrigation and Drainage (ICID), New Delhi, India. 
-Senga, Y., 2006. Development process of policies and activities supporting preservation of rice terraces since 1990, Journal of Rice Terraces Research Association, 7. 
-Yamaoka, K., T. Tomosho, M. Mizoguchi and M. Sugiura, 2008. Social capital accumulation through public policy systems implementing paddy irrigation and rural development projects. Paddy and Water Environment, 6(1).


728x90
저작자표시 비영리 변경금지

'곳간 > 해외자료' 카테고리의 다른 글

부르키나파소의 전통적인 덮기 방법  (0) 2011.04.21
불지르지 않기의 평가와 유기거름 주기 실천  (0) 2011.04.21
전통적인 농민단체의 지속가능한 농업을 지원하기  (0) 2011.04.21
땅을 변형시키기  (0) 2011.04.21
다양성과 효율성: 생태학적으로 강한 농업의 요소  (0) 2011.04.21
728x90

The traditional farmers’ groups of the Apatani people, in the Arunachal Himalayas, India, have been successfully managing their natural resources for many years. However, in recent times, many of their traditions, practices and knowledge are in danger of being diluted or lost. The Apatani are known for their system of paddy rice and fish cultivation, which is a highly evolved indigenous farming system, producing enough rice to export after meeting local needs. The farmers themselves recognise that, without farmer groups, agro-ecosystem management could easily weaken, and the technical ecological knowledge which supports it could quickly erode. Their challenge is to maintain and preserve their production system and the knowledge and practices it is based on, when faced with changing conditions and outside influences.

LEISA Magazine • 23.1 • March 2007

Traditional farmers’ groups supporting sustainable farming

Mihin Dollo

Traditional farmers’ groups can play a pivotal role in achieving and maintaining sustainable production in a specific agroecosystem. Arunachal Pradesh, a state in the extreme north-east of India (bordering Bhutan to the west, Tibet to the north and Myanmar to the east), has great ethno-cultural diversity, with 26 major and 110 minor/sub-tribes. The region is well-known for its rich eco-cultural heritage, as well as the wealth of traditional ecological knowledge amongst farmers. As agriculture is the main livelihood activity in the region, it is vital that the production systems are managed efficiently. The traditional farmers’ groups of the Apatani people, in the Apatani Valley in the central western part of Arunachal Himalayas, have been successfully managing their natural resources for many years. However, in recent times, with the youth migrating in search of jobs, and other labourers coming in, many of these traditions, practices and knowledge are in danger of being diluted or lost.

When local knowledge and practices developed over centuries are shared in farmers’ groups who work on the land together, it clearly supports sustainable agro-ecosystem management in this region. The Apatani are known for their system of rice and fish cultivation in the valley, which produces enough rice to export from the region after meeting local needs. This is a highly evolved indigenous farming system, the energy and economic efficiency of which is very high, partly due to effective recycling of organic wastes and crop residues.

As part of a wider research effort into this little studied region, the G.B. Pant Institute of Himalayan Environment and Development set out to document, validate and revitalise traditional knowledge in relation to sustainable agriculture across the Arunachal Himalayas. The main objectives of the study, carried out between December 2004 and July 2006, were to examine the different farmers’ groups in three villages in the Apatani valley, their nature of association, their role in agroecosystem management and the changes they are facing. Group discussions among different age classes of the Apatani were held, involving both men and women; special attention was paid to older farmers in order to understand the exact nature and history of traditional farmers’ groups.

Farmers’ groups for sustainable management

The Apatani have different types of traditional farmers’ groups, which have evolved over the years. There are no written records, so it is impossible to trace the exact history and development of the groups. The traditional agro-ecosystems are intricately linked with nature, and are well-fitted to local environmental conditions and cultural needs. The Apatani mainly follow the Donyi-Polo religion, believing that the sun and moon are the supreme gods that bless the community. They are Indo- Mongoloids and speak Tibeto-Burmese languages. They have different taboos and customs to protect their environment: for example, hunting of animals and tapping of forest products are strictly prohibited during major ritual ceremonies. They protect flora and fauna, such as Castanopsis and Ficus trees, cane, bamboo, one species of monkey and a species of fish (Schizotorax sp.) which is believed to be sacred and is used in major ritual ceremonies. They maintain reeds (Phragmites karka) and Houttuynia cordata (the chameleon plant) along the river bank and agricultural bunds, whose roots check soil erosion. Phragmites is only harvested for traditional mat making and indigenous salt preparation, while Houttuynia is only used either for ethno-medicinal purposes or as a vegetable.



Maintenance of the traditional irrigation system is most effectively done together.  
Photo: Author
These traditional beliefs and practices help to maintain ecological processes and so contribute to the management of the environment and agro-ecosystems. These agro-ecosystems are sustainable, self-sufficient and efficient due to strong organisations and sharing of such ecological knowledge among farmers, which has traditionally been transmitted orally from generation to generation. Indigenous classification of agricultural land use into seven categories for efficient land management, producing enough to sustain the population, is an example of innovative ecological design by these farmer groups. Traditional wisdom on crop-soil interaction, ethno-pedology, nutrient management, and soil and water conservation are some examples of ecological knowledge which supports the sustainable production system as it has evolved over the decades, and which cannot be managed by individuals.

The Apatani have eight different types of informal farmer organisations (Table 1), and each group has their own task and workload. The groups are valued differently by the community. The Bogo, for example, is seen as the most important group as there are limited water sources for irrigation in the Apatani valley, and good water management is essential for efficient production in the rice-fish system.

The farmers know that traditional practices are very important for maintaining sustainable production systems, and that farmers’ groups are the foundations of these practices. Most farmers recognise that, without farmers’ groups, agroecosystem management will easily weaken, and the technical ecological knowledge which supports it will quickly erode: farmers think that the groups are effective in managing the agro-ecosystems. Except for financial support, particularly for erosion control, fencing and drainage maintenance, the farmers do not receive or seek any technological interventions or other help from any outside agencies. Outside experts have highlighted the Apatani rice-fish culture system as one of the most efficient crop production systems, encouraging the Apatani farmers to continue their traditional practices.

As can be seen in the table, some groups have a distinct manager who holds the position for 1-3 years, while others (group numbers 4, 5, 6 and 7) have managers who hold the position for only one season. In all cases, leaders are selected by the group, from within the group. If a group member does not turn up for group work, the traditional norm is that if the individual is ill he or she will be excused, or else will need to hire a labourer or bear a penalty.

Some groups also have a finance secretary or Passer Binee who collects any money and maintains the farmer groups’ accounts. The cash maintained by the organisation is normally used for purchasing the materials needed to carry out community tasks which are not available naturally (e.g., nails for fencing), as well as drinks and lunch. Loans are also available within the group or community, with an interest rate of three percent per month. The amount of the loan depends on the security (agricultural field, bamboo garden or homestead) provided by the borrower. This not only helps those in need, but also helps to generate income for community work. Although the traditional village council or Bulyang is the supreme authority in Apatani community, it has a limited role in farmers’ groups; only occasionally it may assist in case of dispute.

Most of these farmers’ groups are permanent, based around communal needs and mutual reliance. In this way they also help to maintain social harmony and cohesiveness. Three examples of the collective management of natural resources follow.

Traditional irrigation system 
The Apatani system of irrigation is more than a century old, and the practice has been worked on and perfected through community involvement and equitable sharing of water resources. Water is tapped near the forest on the foothills of the valley, and is channelled through to main canals on either side of the valley to supply the agricultural land. The water is then distributed through numerous small canals in such a way that every plot of land has sufficient water for rice and fish culture. The surplus water is drained back to the main canal without outflow of any organic matter, or soil loss. The agricultural fields have been made along the elevational gradients. At higher elevations in the valley, fields are connected with small diameter bamboo pipes, where the volume of water intake is less. Larger diameter pine pipes are used at the lower ends of the valley where the volume of water is more. These irrigation systems are managed by the traditional farmers’ groups led by Bogo Ahtoh. The vision of these groups is reflected in the management and sharing of water in the community, which recognises that water is the common concern which binds the group. Since it is the most important factor in rice cultivation, the farmers rely on it completely, and therefore equal distribution has ensured the concept of collective survival and social cohesiveness within the farmers’ groups. Each plot owner is bound to provide equal outflow of water to the neighbouring plots and the traditional village council (Bulyang) ensures that such regulations are not violated. Each year canal repairs are done through collective participation with one person from each household providing labour.

Field protection 
The Apatani have integrated animal husbandry into their farming systems, and they rear cattle and mithun (Bos frontalis, a semi-domesticated animal, also known as Indian bison). While this is positive, many fields are at risk from both domestic and wild animals, as the land is close to the forest. To protect the crops from damage, farmers’ groups fence the fields with bamboo, timber and cane. For easier and efficient management of fencing, traditional farmers have organised a group known as Sulu-sikhii led by Sulu Kagenee. This group is led by a man, as it requires heavy work which includes collecting raw materials from forest. The fencing is repaired every year in late November. During this activity, every household involved contributes a mug of rice/millet (300 g) for lunch, and cane, bamboo and timber for fencing. Fences are made with Salix sikkimensis (a type of willow), Pyrus pashia (or Indian wild pear) and Ligustrum sp. (known as privet, a common species used for hedges), which are all more durable.

Field preparation and crop harvesting 
Maintenance of footpaths, preparation of fields and nurseries cannot be done alone, so a group is formed to carry out these activities and combine efforts. Those with fields near a footpath form a group to maintain it. It has been observed that smaller informal groups come together for weeding, field preparation, transplantation and crop harvesting. In these activities, women have the dominant role, although the men have the responsibility for bund construction and crop threshing. The harvesting of the crops is done jointly, where the women cut the spikes and threshing is done by the men.

Transition: challenges and options

Traditional farmers’ groups are now in a transitional period, mainly due to outside influences. The Apatani are believed to be a very conservative community, and now some of the traditional agro-ecosystem management practices are on the verge of extinction due to the integration of hired labour forces from outside. Nowadays, it is common for the youth to leave the communities in search of jobs, which creates shortages of traditional labour. In addition, outsider labour forces are increasingly coming to the area for timber sawing, stone mining and the harvesting of non-timber forest products. Due to sociocultural, climatic and physiographic differences, these people have different management techniques, which often dilute the Apatani traditional practices. The Apatani will still need labour from outside, but they are trying to cope with the emerging situation by being aware that their system is very efficient yet delicate, and realising the need to preserve their time-tested knowledge, by documenting it for future generations.

Outside influences have affected various aspects of farming systems management. For example, barbed wire fencing has been used recently, whereas bio-fencing is preferred as it is more ecofriendly and efficient. In the Apatani valley, live herbs and shrubs have traditionally been used for erosion control on the banks of the stream, but this has disappeared slowly over the years, which is now affecting the permanent flood control technique. Traditional soil and water conservation techniques have been replaced by modern methods using concrete constructions, and the bamboo and wooden pipes used in irrigation water supply have been replaced by lead or plastic materials. Moreover, agrobiodiversity has declined over the years as government agencies have supplied high yielding varieties of seed, which means that fewer crop combinations were possible as there was less choice of crops. In the 1990s, farmers accepted ideas such as high yielding varieties, inorganic fertilizer, or fruit farming. However, more recently farmers have realised that the yield of these “high yielding varieties” is comparatively less than traditional varieties, and they also need a lot of external inputs (fertilizers). Now, farmers have discarded the idea of high yielding varieties and are turning back to traditional varieties, which are more suitable to local conditions.

Realising the efficiency and importance of traditional management practices, the Apatani are now discussing how to preserve traditional knowledge and practices. For example in Tajang, one of the villages in the valley, many members of the farmers’ groups also take part in the Tajang Village Development Committee, which has taken an active role in controlling the loss of ecological knowledge, and preserving traditional management practices. They have recently adopted a resolution that agricultural land shall not be converted into any other land use; and unsustainable extraction of natural resources will be stopped (such as banning sand and stone mining along the irrigation sources, which they believe are reducing agricultural yields). Penalties will also be imposed where traditional rituals and practices are violated, according to existing local norms (dapo). Although the Apatani understand the importance of traditional practices, greater awareness is needed in general as most of the traditional ecological knowledge and management practices are only passed on orally, and are not documented. Field research of traditional knowledge in Arunachal Himalayas, lasting more than six years, has shown that the Apatani tribe is one of the most efficient resource managers, yet sustainability is their major concern.

Towards the future

The traditional groups are considered to be viable, and although they will still need external labour, the groups themselves believe they can cope with the changing circumstances. Traditional agricultural systems may benefit from the use of newer, appropriate technologies based on farmer’s innovative agro-ecological knowledge, but it is important to document and revitalise this knowledge which is quickly disappearing as farmers’ groups change, and there is more intervention in indigenous communities. These efforts, however, will only succeed if the contributions of traditional communities are valued, and they are considered as rightful partners in technology development and dissemination. The Apatani people, being conservative in nature and having highly evolved farmers’ groups, can be a positive force for the revitalisation of innovative agro-ecological knowledge in the Arunachal Himalayas and can be used as a model for such activities.

Mihin Dollo. G.B. Pant Institute of Himalayan Environment and Development. North East Unit, Vivek Vihar, Itanagar-791113, India. 
E-mail: mihindollo@gmail.com

References 
- Dollo, M. and D. Choudhury, 2006. Eco-cultural heritage of Arunachal Pradesh. In: Rajeshwari Tondon (ed.), Interpreting the heritage of North-East. Lodhi Estate, New Delhi, India. 
- Dollo M., S. Chaudhury and R.C. Sundriyal, 2006. Traditional farming and land tenure systems in West Kameng district, Arunachal Pradesh. In: Ramakrishnan, P.S., K.G Sexena and K.S. Rao (eds.), Shifting agriculture and sustainable development of North-Eastern India. UNESCO-MAB series, Oxford & IBH, New Delhi, India.  
- Gadgil, M., and F. Berkes, 1991. Traditional resources management systems. Resource management and Optimization 8 (3-4):127–141. 
- DeWalt, B.R., 1994. Using indigenous knowledge to improve agriculture and natural resource management. Human Organization 53(2): 123-131. 
- P.S. Ramakrishnan and A. Kumar, 1990. Energy Flow through an Apatani Village Ecosystem of Arunachal Pradesh in Northeast India. Human Ecology, Vol. 18, no. 3.

Acknowledgements 
The author is thankful to the Director of the G.B. Pant Institute of Himalayan Environment & Development (GBPIHED), Almora, India, for providing the facilities; to the Scientist In-charge of the NE Unit, Itanagar, India; and to Dr. D. Choudhury, ICIMOD, Nepal, for guidance. Thanks are also due to the farming communities of Apatani for their co-operation during information gathering and data collection.


728x90
저작자표시 비영리 변경금지

'곳간 > 해외자료' 카테고리의 다른 글

부르키나파소의 전통적인 덮기 방법  (0) 2011.04.21
불지르지 않기의 평가와 유기거름 주기 실천  (0) 2011.04.21
일본의 성공적인 국가문화유산 보존  (0) 2011.04.21
땅을 변형시키기  (0) 2011.04.21
다양성과 효율성: 생태학적으로 강한 농업의 요소  (0) 2011.04.21
728x90

In 1984 the Oray family in the Philippines decided to change their farming practices. They wanted to achieve food security for the family, to control of the entire production process and make optimal use of the natural resources available to them. The process turned out to be lengthy and difficult, but by using the family’s own resources and the support of local organizations, the Oray family managed to transform its farm from a sugarcane monoculture into an integrated and diversified farm with a variety of animal and plant components. This change has made it possible for the family to meet their needs and has made life less risky than it used to be.

LEISA Magazine • 21.2• June 2005

Transforming the land

Jelson T. Garcia and Lindsey Mulkins

Large sugarcane plantations dominate the agricultural landscape of the Philippine province of Negros Occidental. In the mid-1980s, this dependence on a single crop resulted in widespread famine when world prices fell and the sugar industry collapsed. Many seasonal sugar workers were left jobless and poverty was acute. There was much social unrest and many families were forced to abandon their farms and homes. Although the world sugar market stabilized in the late 1980s, there was a clear need for crop diversification. Farmers like Rodolfo “Dolpo” Oray from the village of Tapi, set about converting their farms from sugar monocultures to more sustainable cropping systems.

Below subsistence farming (1984-1985)

Dolpo has been farming for more than 25 years. Before moving to Tapi, he had owned land in another municipality, but political unrest had forced the family to leave. In 1984, they acquired 1.3 hectares of land in Tapi from Dolpo’s grandfather. But years of sugarcane monoculture, regular post-harvest burning and chemical fertilization had left the soil in poor condition, and the slopes in particular were prone to erosion.

The Oray family keeps different livestock for nutrient recycling, as a source of income and as a capital reserve in case of an emergency. 
Photo: MASIPAG
Convinced that monocropping would not satisfy his family’s needs and given the low market price of sugar, Dolpo decided to convert most of his new land to rice paddy. He put a lot of effort into levelling these rain-fed areas to ensure proper water management. He had to rent a costly water buffalo to complete the levelling work and he was not able to plant his rice on time because he had to wait untill the buffalo’s owner had finished his own land preparation before he could start to work. Late planting made Dolpo’s crop vulnerable to rice bug infestation. He realized he needed to have his own water buffalo and decided to start working in a nearby sugar plantation to save money to buy one.

The family relied on rice for most of its income. In order to add value to the crop, Dolpo decided to avoid middlemen and to market milled rice directly to his neighbours. The family also planted maize and some vegetables for home consumption, and started keeping a few livestock – a sow, a few piglets and chickens.

Self-sufficiency (1986-1987)

In 1986, Dolpo and his family took over 2.2 hectares of land that had formerly belonged to his grandfather but which a local landlord had absorbed into his sugar plantation. Dolpo spent a lot of time levelling and terracing the slopes. He devoted 0.5 hectares to rice cultivation, but planted most of his new land with maize. This crop involved significant investments. Money was spent on pesticides, inorganic fertilizers and renting a tractor. Unfortunately, the maize crop failed due to bad weather conditions and the family never recovered their expenses.

After the drought caused by the El Niño weather condition, Dolpo selected, propagated and planted drought-resistant varieties of indigenous tree species on the steepest parts of the farm that had formerly been under slash-and-burn cultivation. Expanding and diversifying his cropping system proved to be extremely labour intensive and costly. Dolpo stopped working as a cane cutter in order to spend more time on the farm. Together with his youngest brother, Roden, the family planted vegetables and root crops that would sell well on the market.

From the money earned from the sale of pigs, rice and maize, Dolpo bought a water buffalo calf and in 1987, the animal was ready to start working. This reduced the cost of land preparation and meant rice could be planted on time.

As Dolpo began extending his cropping areas, he and his family drew up a plan for the continued development of the farm, including the planting of additional trees. Cultivation methods for rice, maize, banana and root crops were improved, and beans and peanuts were grown in rotation to improve soil fertility. At the same time Dolpo started to learn more about alternatives to expensive, conventional monocropping by attending regional seminars in soil and water conservation, erosion control and nursery management. The family was moving towards food self-sufficiency!

Generating surplus (1988-1990)

Dolpo became an active leader in the newly formed PATDA (Pagnanawon Agricultural Technology Development Association), a farmers’ organization that supported farmers technically and financially. He and other PATDA members were given on-the-job coaching by an agronomist and a local NGO supplied them with revolving capital. PATDA set up its own nursery for vegetables, forest and fruit trees. Commercial trees, mostly mahogany, were planted on the extensive hilly part of the farm and served as a communal agroforest. Watering of the communal tree farm was possible through dagyao, a cooperative labour system.

A quarter of a hectare was planted with squash, but due to the low market price much of this harvest was fed to the pigs. Meanwhile the production of peanuts – which are easy to store – was expanded and Dolpo used the profits to buy an old but larger house adjacent to the family’s homestead.

Dolpo procured nine traditional rice varieties from local sources and planted them on the upland part of his farm in continuous rotation, but he still maintained the conventional IR-64 variety, which required chemical inputs, in the lowland area. Although diversification laid the foundations for more productive land use, the transition towards fully organic farming could not happen immediately.

By combining his family’s local experience and the knowledge he gained from training, Dolpo started to make organic fertilizer from water buffalo dung, decomposed weeds and rice stalks. He also continued rearing livestock. He introduced crop rotations using leguminous crops such as peanut, soybean, mung bean and cowpea. Thanks to the farm’s crop diversity its vegetable garden harboured few pests and diseases and did not require pesticides.

Since the benefits of the arduous diversification process did not become apparent immediately, it was difficult in the beginning to convince everyone in the family to put their trust in the new farming system. Dolpo’s wife Raquel, for example, questioned the value of contouring, levelling and planting the upland parts of the farm. Her main concern was to secure a quick and predictable harvest for her family. She was concerned that diversification efforts were putting their farm at a disadvantage.

In time, however, trust in the diversification process began to grow as the efforts made by all the members of the family began to pay off. Planting pineapples along the contour lines slowed erosion on the steepest slopes of the farm. Check dams and soil traps were dug on another part of the farm and trees were planted along the contour lines. These measures were very labour intensive and could be achieved only with outside help. Different species of trees and vegetables were planted throughout the farm. A small forest was established on the steepest part of the farm where cultivation was impossible. PATDA members worked together to help the family plant and water the seedlings.

Dolpo had a tough time balancing his farm chores with his increasing role in community affairs. His involvement in communal matters had grown substantially and in 1989 he cofounded a federation of producer organizations called BUGANA, and started providing free training in farm diversification. In return, he gained practical knowledge from the farmers he interacted with and collected different crop varieties. A training centre for BUGANA was established on the family’s farm.

MASIPAG approach (1991-1995)

Through his institutional network Dolpo came in contact with MASIPAG, a farmer-led network of farmer organizations and local communities representing more than 30 000 farmers in the Philippines. MASIPAG promotes the sustainable use and management of biodiversity through people’s control of genetic and biologic resources. It maintains a seed collection and encourages farmers to adopt the Diversified and Integrated Farming System (DIFS) approach. In 1991, BUGANA gained access to MASIPAG rice varieties, which grow well without the use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides. A total of 54 rice cultivars were selected for trials on Dolpo’s farm. The trial farm helped the farmers observe and gather data on the performance of cultivars in terms of their adaptability to different soil types, pest resistance, productivity, taste, smell, and other considerations. After much effort, the Oray’s had selected 15 rice-varieties for verification.

In 1995, the farm’s entire rice area was planted with MASIPAG varieties. The Oray family rotated ten MASIPAG varieties, using at least three to four varieties every cropping season and storing another six for subsequent rotation. Tall and short cultivars were alternated to improve biomass and organic matter content of the soil, to facilitate nutrient cycling and the build-up of soil fertility. The family also discovered that many MASIPAG selections were well adapted to upland conditions and tended to have normal growth even with modest irrigation.

In 1996, these MASIPAG varieties produced 4800 kg/ha – a significant improvement when compared to the gains from high-yielding varieties (2520 kg/ha), see Table 2 on page 8. No inorganic fertilizers and pesticides were used. The money saved was invested in hiring labour for ploughing, harrowing and transplanting (Table 1, p. 8). Production continued at a high level except during periods of drought or rat infestation, and production costs have stayed low.

Improving on the MASIPAG model (1996-1997)

As Dolpo became familiar with the MASIPAG model, he started experimenting to solve specific problems on his farm. He invested some of his income in rearranging the layout of the family’s farm to improve the integration of farm components and promote better nutrient cycling. one important change, relocating the house to the centre of the farm, symbolizes the essential role of the home in planning and monitoring the farm. He also developed pest management strategies. He planted taro near the rice field and this helped control the damage caused by snails that, in fact, prefer taro to rice. Rice hull thrown on the paddies stuck to the snail’s skin, killing the pest slowly. To keep rats away from the rice seedlings, a plot of their preferred food, cassava, was planted along the paddy. Additionally, a large net was built to catch destructive pests. Planting tolerant varieties and using organic fertilizer further reduced pest pressure. Ducks were also raised on the farm to eliminate pests.




The soil was improved continuously by adding organic matter. Rice straw was never burned bu t was always allowed to decompose. In addition neem tree, Gliricidia sepium and macabuhay leaves, water buffalo manure, soap and water were combined to form a homemade organic foliar fertilizer which was applied to infertile parts of the rice paddies and to the vegetable crops. The water buffaloes’ shed was moved and placed next to a major canal so that during the rainy season decomposed dung and urine would flow naturally along the canals into the rainfed rice paddies. Dolpo also realized the importance of a fishpond for additional nutrients and in 1995 he constructed one next to his duck pen.

Planting distance and rice seedling transplantation were also modified on the Oray farm. The planting distance was increased and the number of seedlings per hill decreased from four to five seedlings per hill to only one or two. As a result there were more productive tillers per hill and higher numbers of grains per pinnacle.

The rice paddies were drained and flooded whenever possible. Intermittent flooding allows the root systems to breath and encourages growth. Dolpo noticed that intermittent flooding helped create a harsher microclimate, making plants less susceptible to pest infestations.

In addition, rice seedlings were transplanted after 25 to 30 days instead of the usual 15 to 20 days, when they were sturdy enough to withstand snail attacks. The more developed seedlings also have a head start over the weeds which Dolpo controlled mainly by flooding.




Even the most infertile or vacant lots of Dolpo’s farm were incorporated into his development plan. These areas were kept under long fallow to enable beneficial insects to multiply in his farm. The previously slash-and-burned area of the farm was planted with different commercial and fruit trees, root crops and some legumes. Weeded grasses were placed on top of large rocks to decompose while others were used as mulch to maintain soil moisture.

Maintaining these developments was not always easy. Dolpo realized he needed to spend more time in his fields so he could observe the dynamics of his farm’s ecology. However, it was a struggle to manage his own farm duties and conduct training while also maintaining the communal farm and training centre.

Risk management

Despite its diversity, the farm was seriously hit by drought caused by El Niño in 1997. Many trees died including jackfruits, citrus, rambutan, marang, lanzones, apple guavas, bilariba, star apple, coffee, and others. Hardest hit were those trees growing on the moderate slopes with shallow soil. In 1998, there was too much water and the La Niña typhoon destroyed his fishpond. That year the family also suffered medical problems and the huge medical bills forced them to sell their two working water buffaloes, three pigs and some goats. Dolpo was tempted to sell their land and to move to an irrigated lowland farm in Hinobaan. However, his family preferred to stay put.

The family is now focusing their efforts on making the farm more resistant to periods of drought, for example by planting the most drought-resistant species and locating the fruit trees in areas with deep soil, where they have a greater chance of surviving severe drought. Vegetable cultivation has also been modified to include more drought-tolerant species and the time of planting has been altered to optimize crop survival.


Present layout of Oray’s farm. 
Illustration: MASIPAG
The plant nursery is carefully maintained because it serves as a secure source of planting materials. Even during the long sevenmonth drought in November 2004, the family made sure it had seedlings of vegetables, fruit trees and forest trees ready. Velvet beans were multiplied and will be used as a green manure crop, cover crop, and fodder.

The family has again bought two water buffaloes and two cows and they continue to rear goats, a sow, several chickens and a pair of turkeys.

The farm today

The Oray family maintains the farm lay-out they designed in 1998 and work continuously to improve crop rotation and nutrient flow and recycling. After ten years of continuously practicing organic diversified integrated farming, they notice a definite improvement in soil fertility.

Lessons

Several key factors enabled Dolpo to succeed in his efforts to convert his farm and develop it into an integrated and diversified system. His own experience combined with the knowledge he acquired from “formal training” were essential in helping him decide how best to manage his farm. He also was able to access land, the basic element in the development of food security.

The mere planting of various crops is not enough for farm diversification. It is also important to develop nutrient cycling on the farm, and alternative pest management. MASIPAG’s Diversified Integrated Farming System strategy was helpful in guiding this process. DIFS is a family affair where every member has his or her own stake in the process. It brings back the family’s control over the entire production process. Though time consuming and labour intensive, DIFS is inexpensive and can work without government support.

Dolpo’s experience also highlights the importance of a social network as a support system. Dolpo stays actively involved in social activities, giving advice and training but at the same time receiving valuable support. The visits by scientists and farmers for exchanging ideas reinforced his farm conversion efforts. Dolpo admits that it is hard to get rid of the “modern” agricultural system that has been embraced in such a short span of time: ‘The hardest thing to contour is the mindset’. Everything should start with a right attitude. Fortunately, the Oray’s farm provides a living representation of such an attitude.

MASIPAG. 3346 Aguila St., Rhoda Subd., Los Baños, Laguna, the Philippines. Email: info@masipag.org; website: http://www.masipag.org

This article is based on a case study carried out by the authors on behalf of MASIPAG: “Transforming the upland through a diversified and integrated farming system: the case of Rodolfo Oray. October 2001”.

728x90
저작자표시 비영리 변경금지

'곳간 > 해외자료' 카테고리의 다른 글

부르키나파소의 전통적인 덮기 방법  (0) 2011.04.21
불지르지 않기의 평가와 유기거름 주기 실천  (0) 2011.04.21
일본의 성공적인 국가문화유산 보존  (0) 2011.04.21
전통적인 농민단체의 지속가능한 농업을 지원하기  (0) 2011.04.21
다양성과 효율성: 생태학적으로 강한 농업의 요소  (0) 2011.04.21
728x90

A six-year study in Cuba has shown that increasing a farm’s diversity, for example with a mixed crop-livestock system, increases its overall productivity, energy efficiency and nutrient management. Equally important, it reduces risks, in particular when compared to simplified and homogeneous systems. Mixed systems draw various ideas and lessons from traditional farming systems found in many parts of the world. The Cuban case, at the same time, provides many lessons, especially when regarding the design and management of diverse systems.


LEISA Magazine • 25.1 • March 2009

 

Diversity and efficiency: The elements of ecologically intensive agriculture

Fernando Funes-Monzote, Santiago López-Ridaura and Pablo Tittonell

A six-year study in Cuba has shown that increasing a farm's diversity, for example with a mixed crop-livestock system, increases its overall productivity, energy efficiency and nutrient management. Equally important, it reduces risks, in particular when compared to simplified and homogeneous systems. Mixed systems draw various ideas and lessons from traditional farming systems found in many parts of the world. The Cuban case, at the same time, provides many lessons, especially when regarding the design and management of diverse systems.

 


Whether we look at small-scale farming or at large commercial enterprises, designing a sustainable and equitable agricultural system poses continuous challenges. The farming model most commonly promoted throughout the world, based on simple and homogeneous systems, has notoriously failed in terms of sustainability and equity. Where it hasn't failed, but has increased total agricultural production in some countries, it is because this production has been subsidised in one or more ways. Subsidies, whether monetary, or in terms of over-exploitation of resources, absorb the costs of reducing the agroecosystem diversity. At the same time, aspects like environmental pollution, land degradation or rural poverty are disregarded.

Small-scale family farmers have not benefited much from this model. Attempts to improve the performance of smallscale agriculture based on simplified, homogeneous and subsidised systems have often failed due to, among other reasons, limitations of scale. Small-scale farming, therefore, still comprises a diversity of livelihood strategies, diverse land use, management and marketing strategies, the integration of different types of activities (e.g. crop-livestock interactions), intercropping and rotating crops and crop cultivars, or the maintenance of agro-diversity on the farm. Efficient use of the natural, economic and social resources - which goes beyond the efficient use of only a certain input - relies on one or more of these diversification strategies.

There is plenty to learn from small-scale production systems, particularly in terms of the role that diversity plays in making them more productive, reliable and efficient (see Box). Some of these lessons are being taken up in Cuba, where the agricultural sector has been moving in a "different" direction for almost two decades. This change in direction was initiated by the sudden disappearance of subsidies after 1990. After that, a severe energy crisis created the conditions for coming up with a new model of agriculture that relies heavily on agrodiversity. This emerging model may contribute to the design of sustainable systems around the world.

Cuba's path towards diversity

The economic crisis that started in 1990 in Cuba had a big impact on agriculture. Various alternative systems were proposed in order to tackle the difficulties which agricultural production was facing. However, they all showed a common characteristic: they followed an input substitution scheme, in which highinput industrial practices were substituted with organic inputs. These early attempts then led to a new approach, based on the systems seen in Mexico and elsewhere: converting specialised (monoculture) and often centrally-managed farming systems into mixed, diversified (and small-scale) farming systems.

Mixed farming systems are now presented as an effective step towards implementing sustainable practices in Cuba. They aim to maximise the systems' diversity, emphasise soil fertility conservation and management, optimise the use of energy and the locally available resources, and are highly resilient. In short, they are based on three main principles: (a) diversification, by including crops, trees and animal species, (b) integration, considering the dynamic exchange and recycling of energy and nutrients among the different components of each system, and (c) self-sufficiency, referring to the extent to which the system is able to satisfy its own needs without requiring considerable external inputs.

Lessons from elsewhere 

As in many other countries, policies and development programmes in Mexico have encouraged the simplification of agricultural systems. Nevertheless, diverse farming systems are very common, and they contribute to the livelihood of the rural population and to the country?s overall food production. For example, in the highlands of Michoacan, the Purhepecha people have relied on diverse agro-silvo-pastoral schemes for thousands of years. Each household has a diverse herd, including horses, chicken and dual purpose cattle. Livestock is partially fed with crop residues and, in return, manure is used in the fields where crops are grown, to restore soil nutrients and organic matter. The cropping subsystem is normally based on two fields, of about 3 to 4 hectares each, with alternating fallow. In the fallow field, cattle graze maize stubble after harvest during the dry season and, in the cropped field, a mixture of maize varieties, beans and squash are grown together in a mixed cropping pattern known as milpa.

When evaluated, these traditional systems display many advantages, especially when compared to "simplified" systems. They require few external inputs (occasionally some fertilizer and labour for specific tasks such as maize harvest). Although the production of maize, milk, meat and wood might be slightly lower than on specialised farms, resources such as land, labour and inputs are more efficiently used. Nutrient cycles are more efficient, allowing their capture and assimilation by different components of the system and in different forms. Just as important, a diverse system provides the household with various goods for consumption or market, ensuring food self-sufficiency and a reliable and resilient production of cash income in the long term.

A six-year study followed the transition from "conventional" farming systems to mixed systems, looking at the opportunities for improving productivity while at the same time enhancing sustainability and equity. This started at the Pastures and Forage Research Institute in western Havana, where two prototype mixed farms of one hectare each were established within a 15 ha dairy farm, with 25% and 50% of the total area devoted to crops. The study used different indicators to assess aspects such as biodiversity, productivity, energy use or financial performance. While all measurements showed clear results (a more intensive use of the available resources through diversified systems contributes to food self-sufficiency and to the efficient production of marketable products), we wanted to see if similar results could be attained on real farms. So we looked at 93 farms, varying in size, proportion of area allocated to arable crops, and in the stage of "conversion" to mixed farming. These farms were found in five different provinces, representing the country's major agro-ecological zones.

A thorough evaluation showed that mixed farms are more productive, more energy-efficient, and manage nutrients better, than farms specialising in dairy products or a certain crop. There were, however, many differences between these cases, mostly depending on the percentage of the area used for crop production in each farm. The farms with the highest proportion of land under crops achieved the highest values of productivity in terms of milk yield per unit forage area, energy output and protein output. Farms with more land under crops demanded three times more human labour, but the overall energy cost of protein production was lower, energy use efficiency was higher, and a more intense use of organic fertilizers was needed. This was mainly due to including crops in systems which were previously pasture-based, which was a precondition to further increases of energy outputs.



The conversion from a specialised farming system into a mixed farming system follows three principles: diversification (by including crop, tree and animal species), integration (by dynamic exchange and recycling of energy and nutrients among systems components) and the achievement of food self-sufficiency.
Fernando Funes-Monzote

Higher proportions of farmland dedicated to cash crops also resulted in higher values for the agrodiversity indicators (such as "diversity of production" or "reforestation index"). Under the conditions of low inputs and high uncertainty in which these farms have to operate, this higher diversity greatly contributed to reducing risk and increasing productivity. Both internal and scarce external resources were used more efficiently in the mixed farms than in the specialised ones, and the diversified farms were more efficient in the use of energy, lowering the energy costs of protein production.

These results showed that when comparing different systems, the issue is not only one of high or low inputs, specialisation or diversification. Equally important is how the specific characteristics of each farming system, the necessary inputs and its agro-diversity are interrelated and managed – in particular, by farmers themselves. In deciding on the proportion of the farm area to be used for crop production, for example, farmers considered factors such as land availability, stocking rate and animal feed balance on the one hand, and soil characteristics, productivity of forages and availability of crop residues, on the other. Market constraints, sales contracts with the state, as well as other socio-economic factors also played a role in deciding the degree of conversion from specialised to diverse farming systems. Managing higher levels of agrodiversity also required design skills and more dynamic decision-making, which led to the empowerment of farmers. In addition, the better allocation of feeds and labour throughout the year contributed to improved resource use efficiency.

Lessons of global relevance

Optimal use of resources for both crop and animal production helps to achieve food self-sufficiency while at the same time yielding marketable products that contribute to household income ? without degrading the environment. After only a few years, these highly diverse, heterogeneous and complex small farms are already proving to be substantially more productive and efficient than specialised crop or livestock systems. About 65% of the food produced and marketed locally is grown nowadays by small-scale farmers who cultivate half of the total land in use by agriculture in Cuba. 

The many forms and scales of diversity associated with family agriculture play an important role in sustaining rural livelihoods. A quick examination of the many different traditional farming systems shows how agrodiversity is always inherent, and contributes importantly to their sustainability. It guarantees a more efficient use of the local resources, reduces dependence on external inputs while conserving biological resources, and reduces risks. Agrodiversity also plays an important role in the preservation of local knowledge and empowerment of farmers, as diverse agricultural systems are knowledge-intensive and require complex, dynamic and adaptive decision making. These systems need to be thoroughly analysed for their potential to provide services of global relevance, such as carbon sequestration or biodiversity conservation, or for preserving our cultural heritage. Mixed farming systems should be the primary target for protection and subsidies.

But the potential benefits of agrodiversity are not only limited to traditional, smallholder family agriculture. The lessons learnt from the conversion of Cuban agriculture show the opportunities that diversity offers in the design of more sustainable agricultural systems at a much broader scale. The unique position of the Cuban agricultural sector, both nationally and internationally, provides lessons that are highly relevant to the rest of the world. The instability of oil prices, climate change, or the ever-increasing prices of food in the international markets, combined with national awareness of the necessity to substitute food imports for nationally-grown food, opens up a wide spectrum of possibilities for disseminating alternative systems at a nation-wide scale. Diversification, decentralisation, and the movement towards food self-sufficiency, are the response of Cuban agriculture to the current local, international and global context: the very same context that threatens agriculture and food security worldwide today.

Fernando R. Funes-Monzote."Indio Hatuey" Research Station, University of Matanzas, Central España Republicana, Perico, Matanzas, Cuba. E-mail: mgahonam@enet.cu
Santiago López-Ridaura. INRA, Agrocampus Rennes, UMR 1069, Sol Agronomie Spatialisation, F-35000 Rennes, France. E-mail: ridaura@supagro.inra.fr 

Pablo Tittonell. Centre de coopération internationale en recherche agronomique pour le développement CIRAD, Persyst, TA B 102/02, Avenue Agropolis, 34398, Montpellier cedex - 5, France. E-mail: ptittonell@gmail.com


728x90
저작자표시 비영리 변경금지

'곳간 > 해외자료' 카테고리의 다른 글

부르키나파소의 전통적인 덮기 방법  (0) 2011.04.21
불지르지 않기의 평가와 유기거름 주기 실천  (0) 2011.04.21
일본의 성공적인 국가문화유산 보존  (0) 2011.04.21
전통적인 농민단체의 지속가능한 농업을 지원하기  (0) 2011.04.21
땅을 변형시키기  (0) 2011.04.21

+ Recent posts

티스토리툴바